a patriot big enough to say to the but William McKinley was an illustrious Christian man. If I have referred to him first as an American patriot and statesman it is only that I may ask you now to consider out of what influence this majestic character grew. I say unhesitatingly that his character grew out of a conscience exercised toward God. He was known always as a Christian, first. He had a conversion that he knew about, and it was a conversion that gave to his whole life its central purpose. He was known in the army, not as a soldier who was incidentally a Christian, but as a Christian soldier. Coming into civil life after the war, he was known there as a Christian lawyer, a Christian politician, a Christian statesman, a Christian president. Now in each of these phases of that great, simple life you see I have accentuated the Christian part of it, because he did. In Washington every man associated with him knew that he was a Christian. no one has ever intimated that Mr. McKinley's success at the bar was purchased by any sacrifice of consistent Christian living. So, also, there are those who think that Christian consistency is incompatible with success in politics. And again, it is beyond question that politics impose a severe test, but that the test may be borne is illustrated in the life of this eminent man who was a politician, and whose patience and sweet spirit kept the asperities of controversy from entering those great questions with which his name is connected. And under the tremendous testing of sudden murderous assault, as in the hour of death, the faith of this great, good man did not fail. "Good bye, all; it is God's way; it is God's will." It is a great memory to cherish, a death bed like that. And now let us come back to our starting point. This third martyrdom-what does it mean? I cannot see all that it means, but some things, at least, are evident. First of all, we are terribly reminded of the solidarity of humanity. We could not put our choicest man so high that the basest hand, from the lowest stratum of American society could not reach him! Lincoln slain by a half-crazed actor; Garfield slain by a Guiteau; McKinley slain by a Czolgosz! Here was the man on the summit, and deservedly there, and here was a wretch, base, cruel, irrational-and this man can strike down that man, and it cannot be prevented. Three times in our short history! What does it mean? It means that you cannot stratify humanity. Jesus Christ told us that, but we did not believe Him. How can we protect the man who is rightly at the head? Only by converting the man who is wrongfully at the bottom. No other way! Our Congress will meet presently and will say in no unmistakable language that America does not belong to anarchists, that they have no right here, and shall not come here. But Guiteau and Booth were born here. We shall strengthen the secret police and have. an army of men about Roosevelt, and this is necessary, but that alone will not protect Roosevelt. No, I am my brother's keeper. And I have not done my whole duty by my brother when I have taught him to read and write and cipher. The wretch who lies at Buffalo to-day waiting the august sentence of the law can read and write and cipher, and, too, he has, in his irrational mad way, thought more of the problem of the top and bottom of society than you or I ever have. And I cannot protect my presidents by laws which shut the ports only. That certainly it is right to do, and it is high time that we did it. We must go back to the Cross and learn there the lesson that only as we save men into that great Christian brotherhood which makes him that is exalted abased, and him that is abased exalted, can we protect society. There can be no brotherhood of man MR. MCKINLEY AS A CHRISTIAN STATESMAN. Teunis S. Hamlin, D. D. This means no more than a Christian in the sphere and work of a statesman, as a Christian farmer, merchant, soldier. The test question everywhere is, "Does a man apply the principles of Christ to his vocation?" And for the great bulk of life such application is the same in all vocations. For example, industry, fidelity, patience, integrity, generosity, are as incumbent upon the day laborer or the mechanic as upon the President of the United States. The only difference is in the sphere in which each exercises these graces and virtues. Mr. McKinley had a Christian training, and had been nearly all his life a confessed follower of Jesus the Christ. In the outward manifestations of his faith, such as open confession of it, church attendance, receiving the Lord's supper, devotion to his own denomination, together with broad charity for all denominations, he was a fine example to all men. Equally in private and public life he frankly avowed himself a Christian. His clear and constant testimony was that he trusted Christ, and purposed to live according to His teachings and spirit. Did his character, as known to his fellow-men, show that he succeeded? An answer can be found only by noting the leading qualities of his daily life. Conspicuous among these was gentleness. He was in the best sense a gentleman. His unfailing affability won the heart of every one that came into his presence. He was uniformly courteous. His welcoming smile, his apt word, his cordial hand-clasp, never failed. He was an ardent lover of children, and instantly won their confidence, as only gentleness can. This gentleness was not weakness, which is a poor counterfeit. It was a natural beauty of character finely cultivated. He loved to please, not that he might win friends for selfish reasons, but that he might make all about him happy. Mr. McKinley was a patient man. In all his twenty-five years of public service, with its endless vexations, he seldom, if ever, lost his temper. He held no grudges. Rivals within his own party, and political enemies in other parties, found him uniformly forbearing. He had command of himself. He had achieved what St. James regards as almost unattainable, victory over his tongue; which means not only restraining wrong words, but PRESIDENT MCKINLEY. speaking right, kind, helpful and timely ones. He was a sincere man. Many of his contemporary statesmen and a multitude of his fellow citizens differed sharply from his policies; but only a few hopeless bigots, who seem to think themselves commissioned to fix infallibly the moral standards of the world, ever doubted his sincerity. He was a politician, that is, he knew how to do the politic thing. He believed in attaining results. He must have support to do it, and he conciliated the men who could give him support. But he did not swerve from his principles. He could gracefully yield in indifferent things in order to secure essentials. He was not too proud to differ from his own past, as when in his last speech at Buffalo, he, who had risen to the summit by the path of a protective tariff, committed himself to a broad reciprocity, saying, “The period of seclusion is past." Small minds are prone to confound such adaptability with insincerity, but they are absolutely distinct. Mr. McKinley had the ready fitness to new circumstances of a great statesman, and equally the sincerity of a true Christian. He was a singularly magnanimous man, free from petty spites and jealousies. This is a quality as indispensable for a successful statesman as for a true Christian. The men who had stood most squarely across his path were received with the same engaging courtesy as those that had aided his career. He treated his Cabinet in this spirit, not only willing, but anxious, that each member of it should have full credit for his labors. And, in the notable speech already referred to, he gave full credit to Mr. Blaine for initiating the policy of reciprocity. Such an act is unusual in a public man, and it testifies conclusively to the magnanimity of Mr. McKinley. He was a modest man, very dignified in bearing; plainly conscious of his own manhood and of his exalted station, yet singularly free from vanity and pride. He was never ashamed of his early struggles. He loved to be one of the people, the "plain people," as Mr. Lincoln was fond of saying. He wanted to know what they were thinking on all state questions, for he firmly believed in their concurrent, deliberate wisdom. He always recognized, both as legislator and executive, that he was a representative of the people, and had no ambition to lead beyond the proper exercise of such representative function. For this he was sometimes blamed; but it was the right attitude for the chief executive of a Republic. Now all these qualities of character are distinctively Christian, and they were crowned by the one, or rather, in their combination they constituted the one, that St. Paul says is greatest of all, and that alone abides, love. Everywhere Mr. McKinley's capacity to love was manifest; in the household, making him a husband whose devotion is a model to the world; in citizenship, where his ardent love of country was never doubted; and in the broad sphere of humanity, for he plainly loved all men, and in his last speech-to refer to it once morespoke as a true cosmopolitan. His love was forgiveness, as shown in the touching, instant plea that no violence be done to his assassin. His love was the courtesy, gentleness, magnanimity already noticed. And, to crown all, it was reverent love of God. It carried cheerful submission to His will. His last words, "It is God's way; His will be done, not ours," were the fruit of his life-long character, exactly the words that any one who knew him would expect him to speak. The beautifully spontaneous piety of his last days and hours was inevitable, for he had lived a Christian. To say that Mr. McKinley was a Christian statesman is just to say that all these best Christian qualities marked his career as a public servant from its lowly beginning to its lofty end; from its quiet dawn to its glorious sunset. Washington. SOME LESSONS FOR THE NATION. I am asked to write of the national lessons to be learned from the president's tragic death, or of God's purpose in thus permitting us as a nation to be bereft of so great and good a man. Of course no one would presume to speak authoritatively in answer to such a question. All we can do is to suggest a possible divine purpose. We cannot penetrate the mysteries of God's providence and may not ask why He does this or that. Especially must we be careful how we think of God in connection with the infamous crime, as if He had willed it. Our Christian faith teaches us to believe, however, that out of the darkest events, even from the greatest crimes, it is the plan of God to bring blessing. Joseph, comforting his brothers, when the memory of their wrong done to him so oppressed them, said, "As for you, ye meant evil against me; but God meant it for good." Men are permitted to do wrong to others; God does not prevent their wicked deeds. But when the wickedness is done He does not allow it to thwart His purposes of good for the world, but takes it up and brings good out of it. This is illustrated in the story of Joseph. It is |