The Department's extensive Bicentennial exhibit, 200 Years of American Foreign Relations-1776-1976," is now on view in the Exhibit Hall.

Prepared by the Audio-Visual Services Division, OPR/VS, in cooperation with the Historical Office of the Bureau of Public Affairs, the National Archives, and many other Federal agencies, the exhibit carries an introduction by Secretary Kissinger:

"What is the purpose of the Department of State? In its broadest sense it is to preserve the peace, the security, and the well-being of the United States and-since America cannot live in isolation to contribute to just international arrangements for all mankind. It is to bring to the formulation and execution of our foreign policy a vision of the future and a sense of direction."

The Bicentennial exhibit includes

scores of historic treaties, documents, photographs, newspaper headlines, clippings, cartoons, books, pamphlets, letters, telegrams, and other objects marking the great events in U.S. foreign relations.

Also included are displays on the Great Seal of the United States, Secretaries of State, the Organization of the Department of State, Diplomatic and Consular Posts, and Couriers and Communications.

The Bicentennial panels are divided into major eras of U.S. history.

The first section includes "Pioneers at Home and Abroad, 1776-1823." The second section covers "Rise to World Power, 1814-1913."

"Accomplishments of diplomacy in the period before and following independence were of outstanding importance in the development of the new Nation," the panels point out. "Dur

ing this period the United States expanded its territorial domain, extended its commerce throughout the world, and emerged as one of the major world powers.

Section III deals with "Reluctant World Leader-1914-1941." "The United States vacillated between isolation from and actual participation in the turbulent and confusing affairs of the twentieth century world. In these years of crisis, the American government and people began to learn painful lessons concerning the promise and peril of an active role in world affairs.

"Price of Leadership, 1942-1976," heralds the next section. The panels note that "Following the entanglement in a global war and the defeat of the Axis, the United States continued to confront problems and conflicts all over the world as it led international efforts at reconstruction, development

and cooperation."

New tasks are also cited:

"As the United States reaches its Bicentennial, it faces new challenges. The price of leadership remains high, but with growing awareness of the realities of interdependence and the costs of insecurity there is hope for increasing international stability, cooperation and peace."

The final section, "Looking Ahead to the Third Century," deals with the problems that remain to be solved.

These include energy, the environment, population, food, drug trafficking, the use of the seas and of space. Nor do the exhibits overlook trade, terrorism and nuclear weapons. They are among the many problems "whose benefits and burdens transcend international boundaries."

In an optimistic vein the exhibit concludes: "Our Nation is uniquely

endowed to play a creative and often decisive role in the new world which is taking form around us. Solutions to the new problems of our global society can be achieved only in concert with all of its other members. This may be the central reality of our time."

The exhibits were prepared under the direction of Harry E. Keiper, Chief of the Audio-Visual Services Division. Fernleigh R. Graninger, retired Chief of OPR/VS, served as consultant for the entire Bicentennial display.

Alice-Marie Palluth, Visual Information Specialist in OPR/VS, did the research and development over many months. Most of the design and layout for the exhibits was done by Joseph S. Koscinski, Audio-Visual Officer, and Edward L. McCabe, Supervisory Illustrator, of OPR/VS.

The actual fabrication, construction and installation of the exhibits were

performed by the Technical Branch in Visual Services. The Photo Branch of Visual Services made many of the photographs and other material.

The Historical Office reviewed the data, captions and related material for authenticity and accuracy.

Alexander Akalovsky, Bicentennial Coordinator in the Office of Deputy Under Secretary for Management Lawrence S. Eagleburger, served as Coordinator and Liaison Officer for Visual Services, the Bureau of Public Affairs, the Historical Office, and the Office of the Deputy Under Secretary for Management.

Scott F. Imirie, Jr., Chief of the General Services Division, OPR/GS, has scheduled public tours of the Diplomatic Reception Rooms on the eighth floor and to the Exhibit Hall as part of the Department's Bicentennial observance.

SECRETARY KISSINGER

The following address was delivered by Secretary Kissinger at a luncheon in his honor hosted by President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda in Lusaka, April 27:

President Ford has sent me here with a message of commitment and cooperation.

I have come to Africa because in so many ways, the challenges of Africa are the challenges of the modern era. Morally and politically, the drama of national independence in Africa over the last generation has transformed international affairs. More than any other region of the world, Africa symbolizes that the previous era of world affairs-the colonial era-is a thing of the past. The great tasks you face—in nation-building, in keeping the peace and integrity of this continent, in economic development, in gaining an equitable role in world councils, in achieving racial justice-these reflect the challenges of building a humane and progressive world order.

I have come to Africa with an open mind and an open heart to demonstrate my country's desire to work with you on these great tasks. My journey is intended to give fresh impetus to our cooperation and to usher in a new era in American policy.

The United States was one of the prime movers of the process of decolonization. The American people welcomed the new nations into the world community and for two decades have given aid and encouragement to economic and social progress in Africa. And America's responsibilities as a global power give us a strong interest today in the independence, peace and well-being of this vast continent comprising a fifth of the world's land surface. For without peace, racial justice and growing prosperity in Africa, we cannot speak of a just international order.

There is nothing to be gained in a debate about whether in the past America has neglected Africa or been insufficiently committed to African goals. The United States has many responsibilities in the world. Given the burden it has carried in the postwar period, it could not do everything simultaneously. African nations, too, have their own priorities and concerns,

which have not always accorded with our own. No good can come of mutual recrimination. Our differing perspectives converge in a common purpose to build a secure and just future for Africa. In active collaboration there is much we can do; in contention or apart we will miss great opportunities. President Ford, the American Government and people are prepared to work with you with energy and goodwill if met in the same spirit.

So it is time to put aside slogans and to seek practical solutions. It is time to find our common ground and act boldly for common ends.

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Africa is a continent of hopemodern frontier. The United States from the beginning has been a country of the frontier, built by men and women of hope. The American people know from their history the meaning of the struggle for independence, for racial equality, for economic progress, for human dignity.

I am not here to give American prescriptions for Africa's problems. Your program must be African. The basic decisions and goals must be African. But we are prepared to help.

Nor am I here to set African against African, either among your governments or among factions of liberation movements. African problems cannot be solved and your destiny cannot be fulfilled except by a united Africa. America supports African unity. We urge all other countries to do the same.

Here in Africa the range of mankind's challenges and potential can be seen in all its complexity and enormous promise. The massive power and grandeur of nature is before us in all its aspects-as the harsh master and as a bountiful servant of mankind. Here we can feel the rich and living cultures which have changed and invigorated art, music and thought around the world. And here, on this continent, we are tested, all of us, to see whether our future will be determined for us or by us, whether humanity will be the victim or the architect of its destiny.

The problem of southern Africa

Of all the challenges before us, of all the purposes we have in common, racial justice is one of the most basic. This is a dominant issue of our age, within nations and among nations. We

know from our own experience that the goal of racial justice is both compelling and achievable. Our support for this principle in southern Africa is not simply a matter of foreign policy, but an imperative of our own moral heritage.

The people of Zambia do not need to be reminded of the importance of realizing this goal. By geography and economic necessity, Zambia is affected directly and grievously by strife in southern Africa. Political stability in this region means more to Zambia than to many others. Yet Zambia has chosen to stand by her principles by closing her border with Rhodesia and enduring the economic consequences. This is a testimony to the determination of the people of this country and to the statesmanship of its great leader, President Kaunda.

And it was in this city seven years ago that leaders of east and central African states proclaimed their manifesto on southern Africa.

One is struck by the similarity of philosophy in the American declaration of Independence and in the Lusaka Manifesto. Two hundred years ago, Thomas Jefferson wrote: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.

And seven years ago, the leaders of east and central Africa declared here in Lusaka that:

"By this Manifesto we wish to make clear, beyond all shadow of doubt, our acceptance of the belief that all men are equal, and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of color, race, religion, or sex. We believe that all men have the right and duty to participate, as equal members. of society, in their own government.

There can be no doubt that the United States remains committed to principles of its own Declaration of Independence. It follows that we also adhere to the convictions of the Lusaka Manifesto.

Therefore, here in Lusaka, I reaffirm the unequivocal commitment of

the United States to human rights, as expressed in the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We support self-determination, majority rule, equal rights and human dignity for all the peoples of southern Africa in the name of moral principle, international law and world peace.

On this occasion I would like to set forth more fully American policy on some of the immediate issues we face-in Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa-and then to sketch our vision of southern Africa's hopeful future. The United States position on Rhodesia

The United States position on Rhodesia is clear and unmistakable. As President Ford has said, "The United States is totally dedicated to seeing to it that the majority becomes the ruling power in Rhodesia." We do not recognize the Rhodesian minority. regime. The United States voted for, and is committed to, the UN Security Council resolutions of 1966 and 1968 that imposed mandatory economic sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime. Earlier this year we cosponsored a Security Council resolution, which was passed unanimously, expanding mandatory sanctions. And in March of this year, we joined with others to commend Mozambique for its decision to enforce these sanctions even at great economic cost to itself. It is the responsibility of all who seek a negotiated solution to make clear to the Rhodesian minority that the world community is united in its insistence on rapid change. It is the responsibility of those in Rhodesia who believe in peace to take the steps necessary to avert a great tragedy.

United States policy for a just and durable Rhodesian solution will therefore rest on ten elements:

First, the United States declares its support in the strongest terms for the proposals made by British Prime Minister Callaghan on March 22 of this year: that independence must be preceded by majority rule which, in turn, must be achieved no later than two years following the expeditious conclusion of negotiations. We consider these proposals a basis for a settlement fair to all the people of Rhodesia. We

Secretary visits Africa

Secretary Kissinger and his party returned to Washington on May 7 after an event-filled trip to six African countries to exchange views with leading officials on important bilateral and international matters.

Deputy Secretary Charles W. Robinson accompanied the Secretary on several of his visits.

Leaving Washington on April 23, Dr. Kissinger stopped in London to meet with the new British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Crosland, and to confer with Ambassador L. Dean Brown who has been serving as a Special Representative in Lebanon, on the situation in war-torn Beirut. The Secretary later visited Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia, where he made a major speech on southern Africa on April 27, Zaire, Liberia and Senegal.

Dr. Kissinger returned to Nairobi on May 2 to address the 4th Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and to meet with the delegates. Enroute to Washington, the Secretary stopped in Paris to confer with French President Giscard d'Estaing.

urge that they be accepted.

Second, the Salisbury regime must understand that it cannot expect United States support either in diplomacy or in material help at any stage in its conflict with African states or African liberation movements. On the contrary, it will face our unrelenting opposition until a negotiated settlement is achieved.

Third, the United States will take steps to fulfill completely its obligation under international law to mandatory economic sanctions against Rhodesia. We will urge the Congress this year to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which authorizes Rhodesian chrome imports to the United States, an act inconsistent with United Nations sanctions. In parallel with this effort, we will approach other industrial nations to ensure the strictest and broadest international compliance with sanctions.

Fourth, to ensure that there are no

misperceptions on the part of the leaders of the minority in Rhodesia, the United States, on the conclusion of my consultations in black Africa, will communicate clearly and directly to the Salisbury regime our view of the urgency of a rapid negotiated settlement leading to majority rule.

Fifth, the United States Government will carry out its responsibility to inform American citizens that we have no official representation in Rhodesia nor any means of providing them with assistance or protection. American travelers will be advised against entering Rhodesia; Americans resident there will be urged to leave.

Sixth, as in the case of Zambia a few years ago, steps should be taken—in accordance with the recent UN Security Council resolution-to assist Mozambique, whose closing of its borders with Rhodesia to enforce sanctions has imposed upon it a great additional economic hardship. In accordance with this UN resolution, the United States is willing to provide $12.5 million of assistance.

Seventh, the United Statestogether with other members of the United Nations-is ready to help alleviate economic hardship for any countries neighboring Rhodesia which decide to enforce sanctions by closing their frontiers.

Eighth, humanitarian provision must be made for the thousands of refugees who have fled in distress from Rhodesia into neighboring countries. The United States will consider sympathetically requests for assistance for these refugees by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees or other appropriate international organizations.

Ninth, the world community should give its support to the people of Rhodesia as they make the peaceful transition to majority rule and independence, and should aid a newly independent Zimbabwe. To this end, we are ready to join with other interested nations in a program of economic, technical, and educational assistance, to enable an independent Zimbabwe to achieve the progress and the place in the community of nations to which its resources and the talents of all its people entitle it.

Finally, we state our conviction that whites as well as blacks should have a

Secretary Kissinger met with six members of the Congressional Black Caucus on April 14 to discuss his African tour and his plans to make a major statement on southern Africa. Shown, left to right, with the Secretary are Andrew Young of Atlanta. Charles Rangel of New York City, Charles Diggs of Detroit, Ronald Dellums of California, Walter Fauntroy of the District of Columbia, and Cardiss Collins of Chicago.

secure future and civil rights in a Zimbabwe that has achieved racial justice. A constitutional structure should protect minority rights together with establishing majority rule. We are prepared to devote some of our assistance programs to this objective.

In carrying out this program we shall consult closely with the Presidents of Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia.

We believe these are important measures. We are open-minded with respect to additional actions that can help speed a resolution. The United States will consult closely with African leaders, especially the four Presidents, and with other friends on the Rhodesian problem. For the central fact that I have come here to stress is this: the United States is wholly committed to help bring about a rapid, just and African solution to the issue of Rhodesia. Namibia

Rhodesia is the most urgent but by no means the only critical problem in southern Africa. The status of Namibia has been a source of contention between the world community and South Africa for over three decades.

The territory of South-West Africa turned into a source of serious international discord following World War II. When the United Nations refused to accede to South Africa's proposal for annexation of the territory, South Africa declined to enter into a trusteeship agreement, and since then has refused to recognize the United Nations as the legal sovereign. In 1966, the General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate over the territory. In 1971, the International Court of Justice concluded that South Africa's occupation of Namibia was illegal and that it should withdraw.

The United States voted for the 1966 General Assembly resolution. We were the only major power to argue before the International Court that South African occupation was illegal. And in January 1976 the United States voted in favor of the UN resolution condemning the occupation of Namibia and calling for South Africa to take specific steps toward Namibia's self-determination and independence.

We are encouraged by the South African Government's evident decision to

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move Namibia toward independence. We are convinced that a solution can be found which will embody equal rights for the entire population and at the same time protect the interests of all who live and work there. But we are concerned that South Africa has failed to announce a definite timetable for the achievement of self-determination, that all the people and all political groupings of Namibia have not been allowed to take part in determining the form of government they shall one day have, and that South Africa continues to deny the United Nations its proper role in establishing a free and independent Namibia.

son to take pride in our progress in the quest for justice for all in our country.

The world community's concern with South Africa is not merely that racial discrimination exists there. What is unique is the extent to which racial discrimination has been institutionalized, enshrined in law and made all-pervasive.

No one-including the leaders of black Africa-challenges the right of white South Africans to live in their country. They are not colonialists; historically, they are an African people. But white South Africans must recognize as well that the world will continue to insist that the institutionalized sepTherefore the United States position aration of the races must end. The is as follows:

-We reiterate our call upon the South African Government to permit all the people and groups of Namibia to express their views freely, under UN supervision, on the political future and constitutional structure of their coun

try.

United States appeals to South Africa to heed the warning signals of the past two years. There is still time to bring about a reconciliation of South Africa's peoples for the benefit of all. But there is a limit to that time—a limit of far shorter duration than was generally perceived even a few years ago.

inequality is in the interest of all South A peaceful end to institutionalized Africans. The United States will continue to encourage and work for peaceful change. Our policy toward South Africa is based upon the premise that within a reasonable time we shall see a portunity and basic human rights for all clear evolution toward equality of opSouth Africans. The United States will exercise all its efforts in that direction. We urge the government of South Africa to make that premise a reality.

lic of South Africa can show its dedicaIn the immediate future, the Repubtion to Africa—and its potential contribution to Africa-by using its influnegotiated settlement for majority rule ence in Salisbury to promote a rapid in Rhodesia. This, we are sure, would be viewed positively by the community of nations as well as by the rest of Africa.

A vision of the future

Southern Africa has all the prerequisites for an exciting future. Richly endowed with minerals, agricultural and hydroelectric potential, a favorable climate, and, most important, great human resources, it needs only to overcome the human failure of racial strife to achieve bright prospects for all its peoples.