limits assigned to villages, small cities, and large cities. The second column shows the number of persons replying who reported as having been born in each type of place; the third column the percentage each type made of the total replies; the fourth column gives the approximate percentage of the total population of the United States living in such places in 1870, the census nearest the date of birth of the largest number of persons studied. The other columns show the ratios between the third and fourth column and the

TABLE I

TYPE OF BIRTHPLACES OF SUBJECTS OF SKETCHES IN "WHO'S WHO IN
AMERICA," VOL. XII (1922–23)

*The 1870 census classed all places having a population of less than 8,000 as rural. All larger places together made up 20.9 per cent of the population. In order to subdivide these two classes further to obtain the percentages for the units "farm," "small city," etc., curves were made of the percentages at 1880, 1890, and 1900, at which censuses subdivisions were made. The curves obtained were nearly all almost straight lines, hence their projection backward ten years to 1870 doubtless gives the approximate percentages for that year. The percentage for the suburbs, however, is a mere estimate based on a number of representative cities. It is subtracted from the percentage obtained by the previous method for villages up to 8,000.

Allowance is made for the fact that returns were not received for all persons sketched in Vol. XII, also the fact that approximately one-half of the notables were born either before 1865 or after 1875, hence should not be accredited to the people of 1870 but to earlier or later generations.

approximate share each type of place has had, in proportion to population, in furnishing birthplaces to these notable persons.

Table II is concerned with the occupations of the fathers of the persons who replied to the special requests. The occupations mentioned in the request are given in the first column. The person was requested to indicate the general type of his father's occupation by checking one of the names given in column 1, and to write in the name of the trade, profession, or denomination. These written-in names assisted in the classification of occupations, and made possible the analysis given in Table III.

In the second column of Table II is given the number of persons reporting their fathers' occupation of each general type; in the third

column is given the percentage each type makes of the total reporting. In the fourth and fifth columns are given, for each type of occupation, the number of percentages of the gainfully employed men in the United States at the 1870 census.'

TABLE II

OCCUPATIONS OF FATHERS OF PERSONS IN "WHO'S WHO IN AMERICA," VOL. XII

*Takes into consideration the fact that not all of those in Who's Who, Vol. XII, gave information as to occupation of father, also the fact that approximately one-half of the notables were born either before 1865 or after 1875 and hence should not be accredited to the fathers of 1870, but to earlier or later generations of fathers.

According to the census, there were approximately 3,700 celibate Roman Catholic clergymen in the United States in 1870; this number was subtracted from the total clergymen before the calculations giving this figure were made. The figures to the right likewise refer to Protestants.

This figure at first sight appears to be inconsistent with the corresponding figure of Table I, but when it is recalled that here the farmer alone is considered and there the entire farm population, including the farmer's wife and family and the farm laborers and their children (very numerous among the negroes), it is seen that the difference in these figures is not too large.

Tables I and II appear to warrant four conclusions: (1) Professional men and business men each fathered somewhat more than a third of the American notables born about 1870, and "farmers" nearly one-quarter. Skilled laborers contributed a small share, but the vast numbers of unskilled laborers almost none. (2) In proportion to their numbers in the general population, the professional men have contributed more than twice as many notables born about

'The numbers were obtained by adding up the numbers given for each of the related trades and occupations. All clerks (except 100,000 engaged in stores) were included under skilled labor, as were also all those engaged in any of the more or less skilled trades, and "governmental officials." Under "business man" were included merchants, dealers, manufacturers, brokers and bankers, and 100,000 "clerks" in stores (about 40 per cent of the men clerks in stores). This last was done because most of the merchants and dealers start out as clerks, also because many of the higher clerks are business men rather than skilled laborers. The professional group includes, besides the regular professions (except clergyman), ship captains, pilots, and officers in the army and navy. "Farmers" include only those listed as farmers. Farm

1870 as the business men, nearly twenty times as many as the farmers, about forty-five times as many as the skilled laborer class, and 1,340 times as many as the unskilled laborer. Moreover, according to these data for the period of about 1870, twice as large

TABLE III

A PARTIAL ANALYSIS OF THE LARGER DENOMINATIONS AND CERTAIN OTHER SPECIAL GROUPS OF PROFESSIONAL MEN

* If the ratio present in the last 600 returns received holds throughout. Applies also to rest of this column.

Obtained by dividing the number of church organizations at the 1870 census by the ratio between number of organizations per clergyman for this denomination at the 1890 census. This note applies to all the denominations.

a percentage of clergymen's sons became such conspicuously valuable members of society as to win a place in Who's Who as was the case with the sons of other professional men combined. (3) Although 25.9 per cent of the 18,400 notables reported having been born on a farm, this is a relatively small proportion when it is realized that about 70 per cent of the people lived on farms in 1870.1

laborers, of whom there were almost as many in 1870 as of farmers, were classed as unskilled laborers, which group includes also the employed men not included in one of the preceding groups. Many of the farm laborers were negroes, with large families. In classifying the replies to the questionnaire, those fathers who were described as having more than one chief occupation afforded some difficulty. Many fathers were described as "farmer and teacher," "farmer and preacher," etc., but these were all classed as farmers, although doubtless they belong in a somewhat special class. Many of the persons filling out the questionnaire were born during or just after the Civil War, and the fathers of a considerable number (121) were described as army officers or retired army officers and a few as privates. The privates were classed among unskilled laborers.

'Furthermore, a considerable number born on farms stated that their fathers were not farmers. Some of these were born during summer vacations or in homes of relatives, others were the children of country pastors or teachers or of men engaged in a nearby village or city. In 1870, very few farmers' children were born in hospitals.

Large cities were the birthplaces of 5.6 times as many notables, in proportion to the population, as farms. Small cities did slightly better, and villages contributed nearly nine times as many relatively as did the farms. (4) The findings of the two questions on birthplace and occupation supplement each other and render almost indisputable the conclusion that the farms about 1870 did not contribute their proportionate share of the country's notables. Farmers fathered about one-fourth less than their share, but did much better than other manual workers, contributing 2 times as many as skilled and semi-skilled laborers and 70 times as many as the nearly one-half of the men of the nation classed as unskilled laborers. However a considerable proportion of the farmers of 1870 were not "hereditary farmers" but were instead townsmen who had homesteaded free government land and became farmers for only a time.

Conclusions drawn from Table III are not nearly so fully supported as the four conclusions drawn from Tables I and II. However, the comparatively low rank indicated for engineers and physicians may be explained by the fact that the requirements were very low in 1870 and hence many engineers and physicians were poorly educated and not very capable. Among the denominations, the indicated comparatively low rank of the Methodists and Baptists is partly explained by the relatively large number of negro pastors. Also certain sects among the whites did not require such highly educated clergymen as was the rule with the other three denominations shown. The comparatively high rank of sea-captains is partly explainable by the fact that most of them were Yankees (New England stood very high in the production of the notable men of the last generation). Furthermore, the alertness, decision, and valor of sea-captains and their wide experience doubtless helped them father notable sons.

Studies by Odin, Ellis, Cattell, Davies, and Clarke of other notables have likewise indicated that the professional classes and the centers of population have contributed a larger proportion of notables than have the unskilled laborers or the regular farmers.'

'Odin, French Men of Letters of Five Centuries (in French), 2 vols., Paris, 1896; Havelock Ellis, A Study of British Genius, London, 1904; J. McKeen Cattell, American Men of Science, Appendixes, 2d edition, 1910, 3d edition, New York, 1921; George R.

Two radically different interpretations have been offered concerning the comparative value of the several elements of the population in the production of notable men. Galton, Davenport, and certain other biologists have believed that heredity is of prime importance and hence that the notable men come from the superior elements of the population, which are concentrated in certain types of occupation and place. On the other hand, Ward, Cattell, Davies, and others have emphasized the importance of the environment. Ward believed that there were 200 times as many men inherently capable of becoming eminent as do in fact become notable. Similarly, Cattell believes that America can have as many high-class scientific workers as we will give suitable opportunities to. On this basis of environment, the conditions revealed in Tables I and II indicate not differences in ability but instead differences in educational opportunities, encouragement, and leisure for constructive work. The high rank of clergymen may thus be due to superior opportunities along those lines supplemented by helpful home training in serious thinking, thrift, and expression.

Upon either interpretation, the situation today is probably appreciably different from that of 1870. If heredity is the main factor, doubtless a smaller percentage of the nation's exceptionally able men have become clergymen, and a larger percentage have gone into other professions and business. On the other hand, the proportion of farmers and unskilled laborers of unusual ability is probably less now than in 1870, because during recent decades there has been an active selective movement of many of the more alert and capable from these occupations. If environment is the chief influence, the last half-century has likewise seen a notable change in a widening of opportunities for education and an increase of leisure. Indeed, the children of successful merchants and business men today have about as much leisure and opportunity for education and self-expression as the children of professional men. Even the children of prosperous farmers have opportunities not common among farmers' sons of 1870.

Davies, "A Statistical Study in the Influence of the Environment," Quarterly Journal of the University of North Dakota, April, 1914; and E. L. Clarke, American Men of Letters (1,000 born before 1851), “Columbia University Studies," Vol. LXXII, 1916.