and a number of vested Japanese properties have already been transferred to the Republic of the Philippines as required by statute. Since it is apparently the policy of this Government, as enunciated in the Philippine Property Act of 1946, to hold all such properties only until such time as they will be transferred to the Republic of the Philippines by the President of the United States, the provisions of H. R. 2823 would necessitate a complete reversal of the policy of this Government with respect to Japanese properties and interests located in the Philippine Republic and a renunciation of an agreement entered into between the United States Government and the Republic of the Philippines.

It is respectfully suggested, therefore, that section 9 of H. R. 2823 be amended to contain a provision exempting property or interests located within the Philippine Islands which was located in the Philippines at the time of vesting or which may be later acquired by the Government of the United States or any of its agencies or instrumentalities pursuant to the Trading With the Enemy Act, as amended, and the Philippine Property Act of 1946 (Public Law 485). Such proposed exception will bring the terms of H. R. 2823 within the provisions of Public Law 485 and the policy of the United States Government.

I have been advised by the Director of the Bureau of the Budget that there is no objection to the submission of this report.

MY DEAR MR. WOLVERTON: Enclosed herewith is a copy of a note from the Philippine Embassy to this Department concerning the effects of two bills now pending in your committee, H. R. 1823 and H. R. 873, upon the Philippine Property Act of 1946, and requesting that these bills might be amended to exclude from their purview property of the Japanese, German, and Italian Governments and of their respective nationals in the Philippines which, pursuant to the Philippine Property Act of 1946, should be transferred or may be transferred to the Republic of the Philippines.

You will recall that during the hearings on March 21, 1947, on H. R. 1823 and H. R. 873, Mr. Seymour J. Rubin of the Department of State indicated, at page 2 of his statement, which was submitted for the record, that amendment of the present bills would be necessary if they were to conform to the requirements of Public Law 485, Seventy-ninth Congress. A copy of Mr. Rubin's statement, with the relevant passage marked, is attached for your convenience.

The Department will appreciate the sympathetic consideration of your comImittee to the enclosed note.

Sincerely yours,

For the Acting Secretary of State:

DURWARD V. SANDIFER, Acting Legislative Counsel.

(Copy of note from Philippine Embassy dated March 28, 1947, follows.)

PHILIPPINE EMBASSY, Washington, March 28, 1947.

The Chargé d'Affaires ad interim of the Philippines presents his compliments to the Honorable the Acting Secretary of State and has the honor to refer to two bills now pending in the Congress of the United States, H. R. 1823 and H. R. 873. The former bill provides in part that all property, with certain exceptions, of the Japanese Government and its nationals which on December 7, 1941, was in or has since that date come into the possession or control of, and to which title has vested in the United States of America, or of any of its officers, agents, or employees, from any source or by an agency whatsoever, shall be retained by the United States of America for the satisfaction of all claims against the Japanese Government of all American citizens who have suffered through the acts of the Japanese Government, or its agents since December 7, 1941, loss, damage, or injury to their persons and personal property, in consequence of hostilities or of any operation of war. The latter bill provides that "all property of the German,

Japanese, and Italian Governments, and of all their respective nationals, which on December 7, 1941, was in or has since that date come into the possession or under control of, or has been the subject of a demand by the United States of America or of any of its officers, agents, or employees, from any source or by any agency whatsoever, shall be retained by the United States of America for the satisfaction of all claims against said German, Japanese, and Italian Governments, respectively, of all persons, wheresoever domiciled, who owe permanent allegiance to the United States of America, and who have suffered through the acts of said governments, or its agents, since December 7, 1941, loss, damage, or injury to their persons, in consequence of hostilities or of any operations of war."

The Philippine Government is apprehensive that if these two bills are enacted into law they might affect adversely the interests of the Republic of the Philippines as safeguarded by the Philippine Property Act of 1946, Public Law 485Seventy-ninth Congress. Under section 3 of this act all property vested in or transferred to the President of the United States, the Alien Property Custodian, or any such officer or agency as the President of the United States may designate under the Trading With the Enemy Act, as amended, which was located in the Philippines at the time of such vesting, or the proceeds thereof, shall be transferred by the President of the United States to the Republic of the Philippines under certain conditions. Furthermore, under section 4 of the said act the President of the United States is authorized to transfer to the Republic of the Philippines any property vested in any of the agencies or instrumentalities of the United States which is not transferable in accordance with the abovementioned section of the act.

It is possible that there are some properties of the Japanese, German, or Italian Governments or their respective nationals in the Philippines which have not yet been vested in the Government of the United States or any of its agencies or instrumentalities, or which although already so vested, have not yet been transferred to the Republic of the Philippines as provided by section 3 of the Philippine Property Act of 1946, or properties which though not transferable to the Republic of the Philippines under section 3 of the said act may in the discretion of the President of the United States be also transferred to the Republic of the Philippines in accordance with section 4 thereof. If the pending bills in question become law in their present form all of these properties will be retained by the United States of America for the satisfaction of claims against the Japanese, German, and Italian Governments, of United States citizens to the prejudice of the Republic of the Philippines. In other words, these bills if passed in their present form might have the effect of modifying or repealing the Philippine Property Act of 1946 with the result that the Republic of the Philippines would be deprived of certain properties to which otherwise it might be entiled.

The Government of the Philippines would be grateful if bills H. R. 1823 and H. R. 873 might be so amended as to exclude from their purview all property of the Japanese, German, and Italian Governments and of their respective nationals in the Philippines which conformably with the provisions of the Philippine Property Act of 1946 should be transferred or may be transferred to the Republic of the Philippines.

STATEMENT OF PROF. FRANK G. HAUGHWOUT, LATE IN CHARGE OF CLINICS FOR THE TREATMENT AND STUDY OF INTESTINAL DISEASES IN THE JAPANESE CIVILIAN PRISON CAMPS AT BAGUIO AND MANILA, PHILIPPINES, 1941-1945

This memorandum deals solely with intestinal diseases as they occurred among the inmates of the Japanese civilian internment camps at Camp John Hay and Camp Holmes, Baguio, and Santo Tomas internment camp, Manila. Notwithstanding this restriction it may be regarded as affording an accurate index of the deleterious effects generally sustained by these prisoners of war, under the stresses imposed by the military and civilian agents of the Imperial Japanese Government during the period from December 1941 to February 1945.

These effects were observed and studied by the undersigned and his associates, from the date of imprisonment until the internees were liberated by the armed forces of the United States. Detailed clinical and laboratory records were compiled and kept concealed from the Japanese and, together with considerable gross and microscopical pathological material, were brought back to this country and made available to the United States Army Medical Corps. These

records register the progressive deterioration in function and resistance of the alimentary tract observed in a large group of people, most of whom entered the camps in a state of general good health and nutrition. The diagnosis and treatment of the intestinal disorders contracted by these people and the recording of the observations were carried on continuously to the day of final liberation at which time the food ration of the internees had been reduced to a bare 700 calories per capita, per day, as contrasted with the normal requirement of 3,500 calories per day. Following the appointment of the undersigned as consultant-at-large to the Army Medical Corps, and his assignment to the Army Institute of Pathology at Washington, D. C., this material was worked up for publication. A course of lectures also was given to medical officers at the Institute of Pathology.

The staff of the clinic for the treatment and study of intestinal diseases in the prison camps was composed of the following persons:

Senior staff.-Prof. Frank G. Haughwout, Dr. Beulah Ream Allen, and Dr. Dorothy K. Chambers.

Associate staff.-Frances G. Haughwout, technical assistant; Capt. Ruby G. Bradley, Army Nurse Corps; Lillian J. Weiser, superintendent St. Luke's Training School for Nurses, Manila, hospital consultants; Miss Mollie R. MacDonald, clinic executive officer; and Mrs. Elberta J. Clark, clinic nurse.

Intestinal diseases rank next in importance to surgery in wartime medicine. They are the diseases most prevalent and most closely correlated with the conditions attending imprisonment in concentration camps. Eight distinct types of bowel disease, each arising from a different cause, comprise the interrelated group of maladies that has long been known under the vague term "jail diarrhea." All were present in the Philippine prison camps.

Now that the work is over, and the results have been analyzed, it may be said with entire truth, that aside from what patriotic and other services the internees performed in upholding the policies of the United States Government in the Philippines before and during the late war, the one achievement that crowns their endeavors that should stand to their credit to the end of time is that they furnished the material that made possible the reduction of an old, complex, and elusive problem in practical medicine to its fundamental components. Their patient sufferings and ungrudged cooperation have made it possible to resolve the vague generalization "jail diarrhea" into its several units and aline cause and cure, so that a pattern is now set for the systematic and effective dealing with diarrheal diseases in the populations of war- and faminestricken communities. Such a study has never before been made; it could not be duplicated except under identical conditions. If the internees had done no more than this, they would have fully earned the utmost practical gratitude of their country, to say nothing of the remainder of the world.

Intestinal diseases are those that are most closely correlated with conditions attending imprisonment in concentration camps. They have been the great Scourge that has attended every war in history. The extent of their prevalence in war prisons bears a close relation to prevailing dietary and sanitary conditions there. They are, in short, a measure of the humanity of the enemy captors. The severity, the complications, and the sequelae that attend disease of the alimentary tract are in very direct relation to the state of nutrition of the person affected and to the supply of remedial agents that are available for treating him. Undernourished and generally debilitated persons are far more likely to contract such disorders than persons in ordinary good health and are much more resistant to treatment once they become ill. This was made clear in many hundreds of instances in the samps as time wore on. Intestinal tracts became so hypersensitive toward the end that only the slightest added irritation was needed to render a person extremely ill. Accordingly, it became necessary to cease the administration of certain drugs because the irritation (ordinarily negligible) that they produced in the hypersensitive alimentary tract was so great it overshadowed the symptoms produced by the disease it was designed to treat. In other words, the cure had become worse than the disease.

These facts were, of course, well known to the Japanese and there is every reason to believe that they made use of them in their unsuccessful efforts to break down the morale of their prisoners. The quantity of food issued by the Japanese to the camp inmates was markedly reduced at a time when it was well known that food was far from scarce in the surrounding country. It must be remembered that the Japanese have produced many men who have made notable contributions to the science of nutrition. The Japanese could not have been unaware of the effects that were certain to follow the imposition of an almost

total rice diet on a people accustomed to a diet high in wheat and meat. Yet they imposed such a diet upon their prisoners at Baguio at the beginning of the first year of the war when food was still abundant. Many of those who were forced to partake of this diet still suffer from its effects; many of these probably will be forced to subsist for the remainder of their lives on a diet abnormally short in carbohydrates. In the future they will know few hours free from discomfort if not actual pain.

The incidence of the so-called constitutional diseases such as diabets, nephritis, and cancer is not conspicuously higher in war than in peacetime, except as they may be aggravated when they become associated with lowered vitality and resistance consequent upon prison life. Such persons do not do well under concentration camp conditions, and the lives of many are shortened thereby. These diseases are, of course, rare in the armed forces because of the elimination of those so affected before enlistment. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that civilian prisoners of war do not enjoy this selective rejection before incarceration. They are thrown into prison camps, whether they are physically fit or not. Moreover, they have not been, as are soldiers, taught how to take care of themselves and guard against the vicissitudes of war conditions. They experience the rigors of war but, unlike the soldier, they are denied the stimulating support that comes from shooting back at the enemy. The moral effect of this last factor often is very striking in certain individuals.

Detailed statistics and technical description are inappropriate in a communication such as this, but the introduction of certain gross figures and some medical discussion are necessary to the elucidation of what it is aimed to set forth. The principal intent is to bring out some of the high lights that will illustrate the physical stresses our internees sustained during their imprisonment. Most particularly is it sought to show that the effects of these stresses did not cease with liberation. On the contrary, in innumerable instances, they have been merely ameliorated to the point where the sufferers were left with chronic affections that, as they progress, will progessively lower or even abolish their earning capacity. This lays a financial burden upon them which, in the face of the property and financial losses they sustained through enemy action, is likely to be more than they can meet. The detailed statistical and technical treatment of the entire problem will be found in the publications listed at the end of this memorandum. As an index of nutrition, I am using the figures of the last year of imprisonment when the heavy hand of the Japanese Government fell upon the inmates of Santo Tomas camp and the inmates entered upon the era of actual starvation. During this year, the average daily per capita ration was 1,323 calories as against a normal of 3,500. The ration reached its highest point in June 1944, with an average daily per capita value of 1,736 calories. The lowest point was reached in January 1945 when food to the daily per capita value of 724 calories was doled out. In the following table I am setting forth the average amounts of food issued daily to individuals during the year 1944:

It is interesting to compare these figures with those cited to the International Tribunal in Nurnberg by Prosecutor Charles Gerthoffer.

Mr. Gerthoffer quoted reports showing that the daily ration of food in France fell as low as 850 calories daily. He said the Germans, themselves, after World War I had reported that a diet as low as 1,700 calories was "slow starvation leading to death." Attention is recalled to the fact that the highest monthly average in Santo Tomas during 1944 was 1,736 calories and the average for the year was 1,323 calories. It requires little stretch of the imagination to conjecture what would have happened in Santo Tomas and the other prison camps in the

Philippines had the imprisonment of the internees continued a few weeks longer. The steadily mounting death rate during the last 3 months will aid the imagination.

In analyzing these calorie values, other things must be considered. For instance: Meat, milk, and eggs were totally absent from the diet. Up to September a gross daily average of 1 ounce of "fresh" fish per person was provided. This term "fresh" is a gaudy euphemism. It is true the fish were "fresh" in the sense that they were neither salted nor smoked; but there the term breaks down because the fish were delivered to the camp in a state of putrefaction. They were neither degutted nor degilled and, despite protests, were issued to the internees. They were the cause of much food poisoning that often led to prolonged diarrheas. The diet, the Japanese pointed out, included "fresh fruit." This consisted of two bananas per person per month. These were small-not exceeding 2 to 3 inches in length, and about the thickness of a man's thumb. No citrus fruit was supplied and such green vegetables as were available came from the garden run by the internees which yielded a total of 120 tons of produce during the year for the consumption of the 4,000 inmates of the camp. The Japanese took a liberal cut of this for themselves.

The protein contained in this diet not only was lacking in quantity but also was lacking in quality because relatively too much was derived from cereals and the local sweetpotato known as camote which later was furnished in June. Not enough protein was derived from meat, fish, eggs, cheese, and milk. The latter three the most important-were entirely absent from the diet at all times. Of the 70 grams of protein needed, about 50 should have been of animal origin. As a matter of record, only about 5 or 6 grams of the daily quota came from this

source.

It goes without saying that this diet was largely lacking in vitamins and minerals. For instance: In May, a fairly representative month, the amount of calcium in the food was less than one-fourth the amount needed by an adult. For boys and girls of ages ranging from 11 years up who ate on the adult lines, this constituted a grave deficiency. These young people needed at least 50 percent more calcium than an adult.

This I

I am, of course, mainly concerned with problems of actual illness, but it seems pertinent to note the effect this diet had on weight of the people. am summarizing in the following table:

These figures are averages, but individuals showed values on either side. The undersigned, for instance, entered the camp weighing 168 pounds; he weighed 92 pounds the day after liberation—a loss of 76 pounds. Others lost even more. It is impossible here to enter into a detailed discussion of problems of sanitation in the camp-they were not within the province of our clinic. I shall later show the high incidence of infectious bowel disease in the camps and that, in itself, implies a background of inferior sanitation. This background may be illuminated by citing one example from each camp.

On December 29, 1941, the Japanese herded their 500 civilian prisoners into the concentration camp they had established at the United States Military Reservation at Camp John Hay, Baguio. All these were housed in a single building designed to afford barracks for 110 Igorot soldiers. Electricity and water had been cut off and for 5 days these people were without water other than that which could be brought in by hand and which was rationed at the rate of two cupfuls per capita per day. The water closets were clogged with feces and waste and the people were forced to defecate upon the ground until trench latrines could be dug. These had to be placed only a few feet from the building— close to the kitchen-and within easy flying distance for the appalling swarms of flies and cockroaches that infested the premises. Without regard to age or sex, the prisoners were packed into the inadequate building with scarcely enough space to permit a change of position when they were lying down. People only had what food they could bring into camp with them. The Japanese furnished