"I have never believed, however, that American and Japa

nese interests in our China policies were in conflict.

"On July 15, 1971, when I announced my forthcoming visit to Peking, Japan--because of her special closeness to the United States-feared that our independent action foreshadowed a divergence or conflict with Japan's interest, or a loss of American interest in the U.S.-Japanese alliance. It is obvious now that our China policy involved no inconsistency with our Japan policy. As I explained in last year's Report, I made a conscious decision to preserve the secrecy of Dr. Kissinger's exploratory trip to Peking until its outcome was clear. It was then announced immediately, and the announcement was followed up by a process of intensive substantive consultation with Japan, culminating in my meeting with Prime Minister Sato in San Clemente in January 1972, in advance of my Peking trip. Prime Minister Sato and I found that we were in substantial agreement on the major issues of peace in the Far East; the lessening of tensions in Asia was the goal both allies sought. There was no diminution of our overriding commitment to our alliance.

*

"Today's multilateralism does not diminish the importance of the U.S.-Japanese alliance. On the contrary, our alliance, which has ensured stability in Asia for 20 years, still does, and serves an essential mutual interest in the new conditions. Secured by her alliance with the United States, Japan can engage herself economically and diplomatically in many directions independently, without fearing for her security or being feared by others. It provides a stable framework for the evolution of Japanese policy. This is a general interest.

"The U.S.-Japanese alliance in the new era is thus presented with the same challenge as the Atlantic Alliance. We cannot conduct our individual policies on the basis of self-interest alone, taking our alliance for granted. We have an obligation not to allow our shortterm policies to jeopardize our long-term unity, or to allow competitive objectives to threaten the common goals of our political association.

"Japan's foreign policy is for Japan to decide. Both her security and her economic interests, however, link her destiny firmly to that of the free world. I am confident that the political leaders on both sides of the Pacific are deeply conscious of the common interest that our alliance has served, and deeply committed to preserving it."

Reading List

1. Abramowitz, Morton.

and the Powers.

Studies, 1971.

Moving the Glacier: The Two Koreas London: International Institute for Strategic

2. American University. Area Handbook for Japan. Washington, D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969.

3. American University. Area Handbook for North Korea. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1969.

4. American University. Area Handbook for the Philippines.

Washington, D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969.

5. American University. Area Handbook for the Republic of Korea. Washington, D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969.

6. Averch, H. A.; Denton, F. H.; and Koehler, J. E. A Crisis of Ambiguity: Political and Economic Development in the Philippines. Santa Monica, Calif.: Rand, 1970.

7. Burnell, Elaine H. Asian Dilemma: United States, Japan and China. Santa Barbara, Calif.: Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, 1969.

8. China Yearbook, 1970-1971. Taipei, Taiwan: China Publishing Co.

9. Cohen, Jerome; Friedman, Edward; Hinton, Harold C.; and Whiting, Allen S. Taiwan and American Policy. New York: Praeger, 1971.

10. Cole, David C. and Princeton, Lyman N. Korean Development: Interplay of Politics and Economics. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971.

11. Craig, Albert M. and Shively, Donald H. Japanese History. Berkeley, Calif.: 1971.

Personality in
Univ. of Calif. Press,

12. Forwell, George. Mask of Asia: The Philippines Today. New York: Praeger, 1967.

13. Hsu, I. C. Y. The Rise of Modern China. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970.

14. Kahn, Herman. The Emerging Japanese Superstate. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1970.

15. Kim, Young C. Japan's Security Policy Toward Communist China. McLean, Va.: Research Analysis Corp., 1970.

16. Koh, Byung Chul. The Foreign Policy of North Korea. New York: Praeger, 1969.

17. McCune, Shannon. Korea, Land of Broken Calm. Princeton, N. J.: Van Nostrand, 1966.

18. Mendel, Douglas Heusted. The Politics of Formosan Nationalism. Berkeley, Calif.: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1970.

19. Passin, Herbert, ed. The United States and Japan. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964.

20. Reishauer, Edwin O. Japan: The Story of a Nation. New York: Knopf, 1970.

21. Tuchman, Barbara W. in China, 1911-45.

Stilwell and the American Experience
New York: Macmillan, 1970.

22. U.S. Department of Army. Communist North Korea: A Bibliographic Survey. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1971.

23. U.S. Department of State. Background Notes. Republic of China (Pub. 7791, Apr 69); North Korea (Pub. 8396, Dec 70); Republic of Korea (Pub. 7782, Oct 70); Republic of the Philippines (Pub. 7550, Dec 70). Washington, D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

24. United States Relations with China: 1944-49. Washington, D. C.: U.S. Department of State, 1949.

FOREIGN ASSISTANCE

Since World War II, the United States has provided economic and military assistance to other countries. American assistance programs are based on the belief that it is in our own self-interest to help those nations where people are willing to defend their independence and where governments are trying to eradicate poverty, misery, and disease. A world of independent nations able to provide a decent measure of progress for their people has been seen as the kind of world in which our own future is safest.

Foreign assistance has been a part of international life almost as long as the United States has been in existence. For more than a hundred years this country's development depended in great part upon the financial and technical resources of the Old World. Subsequently, the United States itself was an occasional donor of overseas assistance, usually relief for the victims of natural disasters.

It wasn't until World War II, however, that foreign assistance became a key tool of American foreign policy. Today, the United States has been joined by virtually every other developed nation on the globe, including Communist countries, in providing foreign assistance.

Broadly speaking, foreign aid is any assistance, military or economic, which is extended by one country to another as loans or grants. This includes assistance channeled through various international agencies, such as the United Nations, as well as that which is strictly country to country.

U. S. economic aid as foreign policy originated on 11 March 1941 when the Congress passed the Lend Lease Act, providing an economic weapon for Great Britain's war effort. However, because Lend Lease aid was part of the war effort, the beginning of today's U. S. economic aid programs is usually credited to