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"We will also press again at the ICAO Conference this August for a new international convention to prevent safe havens for hijackers. At the very minimum we will expect the Assembly to establish international machinery to make investigations and recommendations in hijacking or sabotage cases.

"If there was any doubt that international treaties should be adopted to provide for the protection of diplomats and for the extradiction or punishment of persons who kill, seriously injure or kidnap innocent persons in a foreign state for political purposes, this year's outrages should terminate it. We will pursue the latter treaty vigorously in the U. N. ad hoc committee on terrorism. schedule to meet this summer. And we believe the United Nations should complete the treaty on protection of diplomats at this fall's General Assembly.

"This introduction can only hope to outline the most

important of the Administration's foreign policy objectives. I have elaborated here upon those which collectively give 1973 the characteristic of a year of building--the building of relations and institutions that could determine the course of the rest of the century. Given the President's strong interest and leadership in this effort, we have every reason to expect that further substantial progress toward lasting peace and cooperation will be made in the coming year.

"It is now commonplace to hear that there are no more dramatic accomplishments possible in foreign affairs. I do not agree. 1973 can be a dramatic year--not in breaking old patterns but in building new ones, a year we begin to erect the framework for a generation of peace.

"But 1973 will be just beginning. The road ahead will be as difficult and dangerous as it will be promising. It will require the continued perseverance and engagement of this great nation. That is why our foreign policy must continue to be a policy of engagement--engagement with adversaries in building cooperation, engagement with allies on a basis of shared values and interests, engagement with developing nations in the effort to raise the living standards of their people.

"For many years the economic and political health of the world has been heavily affected by the state of the American society. Now our condition increasingly is affected by the welfare of others. The degree of interdependence among nations and many of the principal trends of international affairs are succinctly evident in the statistical indicators of the state of the world I have appended to this introduction. In concise terms they illustrate both the necessity of our engagement in the world and the nature of many of the issues the world must still face.

"In my first foreign policy report, I expressed the hope that we could fashion a foreign policy which would overcome the deep and destructive divisions within this country and restore a sense of common purpose in America's approach to world affairs. Today the obstacles to such a common purpose have been overcome, and we have found a new self-confidence, devoid both of arrogance and of destructive self-doubts. The foreign policy objectives we are setting forth are moderate and constructive ones. It will be my earnest endeavor so to carry them out that the Administration and the Congress, the leadership of both parties, the government and the citizenry can again move forward harmoniously in their support. With such cooperation 1973 will be a year of substantial progress toward the more peaceful and prosperous world we all desire."

Reading List

1. Acheson, Dean. Present at the Creation. New York: Norton,

1969.

2. Ball, George W. The Discipline of Power: Essentials of a Modern World Structure. Boston: Little, Brown, 1968.

3.

Boyd, James M. United Nations Peace-Keeping Operations: A Military and Political Appraisal. New York: Praeger, 1971.

4. Briggs, Ellis. Anatomy of Diplomacy: The Origin and Execution of American Foreign Policy. New York: David McKay, 1968.

5.

Davids, Jules. America and the World of Our Time: U.S.
Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century. 3d ed. New York:
Random, 1970.

6. Eichelberger, Clark M. U.N.: The First 25 Years. New York: Harper, 1970.

7.

Macridis, Roy, ed. Foreign Policy in World Politics. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1967.

8. Morgenthau, Hans J.

9.

A New Foreign Policy for the United

States. New York: Praeger, 1969.

Office of the President of the United States. United States
Foreign Policy for the 1970's. Washington, D. C.:
U.S. Government Printing Office, May 3, 1973.

10. Osgood, Robert Endkott. Alliances and American Foreign Policy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1968.

11.

12.

Secretary of State. United States Foreign Policy 1972.
Washington, D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Office,
April 1973.

Welch, William. American Images of Soviet Foreign Policy.
New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1970.

U.S. SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT

A major element in the founding of the United States was the idea of equality of opportunity. Our nation's founders had come to America in search of this opportunity, to escape the rigid and stratified social structures and economic conditions of the Old World. The importance of the concept of equality was reiterated almost ninety years later by President Lincoln at Gettysburg.

From its beginning as a rural agricultural society, the first 150 years of the United States held forth a credible promise of opportunity and equality--socially, economically, and politically-for its citizens and as seen through the eyes of people of other countries.

Shortly after the First World War came the first major pause in the forward progress of the fulfillment of this promise. The great depression produced disturbing second thoughts on the part of many, shaking their confidence in the U. S. economic system.

Meanwhile, the whole picture had been changing. From the rural beginning, big cities had grown. These cities were growing even bigger, as technological advances reduced the need for a large farming population. Migration northward and into the cities quickened its pace and volume. The military and civilian mobilization of World War II resulted in an increased movement of a great part of the population, as it took individuals from all social and economic backgrounds, and from all corners of the 48 states, and placed them temporarily in new and different environments.

The experiences of the depression and World War II caused an immediate focusing by our society on economic aspects, and resulted in production of material things, and acquisition of them by our people to a degree greatly exceeding that in any other country or in our own history. Rapidly advancing technology, including that associated with the space race and the Cold War, made its major contribution to this productivity.

The overall result, including the monetary and other rewards which were gained in large part from organized labor's increased bargaining effectiveness, resulted in an affluence for great numbers of the people, but not all.

The migration continued. Poor rural whites and blacks, having seen their means of livelihood reduced or eliminated, or having been attracted by the superficialities of the urban environment, moved in larger numbers into the heart of the large cities. The cities grew both in size and number. But at the same time the congestion and other undesirable features of this city environment were being left behind or avoided by those with moderate or greater means, who made their own migration outward to the surrounding and growing suburbs.

Many began to realize that preoccupation with internal economic improvement and with security and prestige in the international arena had drawn attention and effort away from the need for social improvement.

A number of forces and influences affected social conditions, which soon began to take the form of major problems. Among these problems was the poverty which increasingly affected those who, for whatever reasons, did not personally or directly benefit from affluence, and who came to believe that significant improvement in their lot was being denied them.

Along with poverty was the associated problem of housing, inadequate as to both quantity and quality, worsened by segregation and its cause, discrimination.

Poverty and inadequate, segregated housing combined to make mockery of another proclaimed tradition, equality of education.

Other problem areas were those of crime and disorder. From and within the poverty and the segregated housing came an alarming increase in crime. Non-violent activities gave way to riots and lesser disorders, which were responsible for the "long hot summers" of 1964-1967. As the magnitude and frequency of these disorders declined beginning in 1968, they were replaced by

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