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Even if the money supply should ease somewhat, there is no assurance that such utter misallocation of available credit by the banks and other financial institutions will not continue or that interest rates will not remain at high levels.

The regular operations of the banks and other financial institutions are not meeting America's needs. Moreover, they have been adding a high-interest rate credit-inflation to the business profit-inflation of the 1960s.

The time is long overdue for a sharp change in the nation's economic policies. The pace of rising prices must be slowed, without a growing army of unemployed. The urgent need is not last week's reduction of margin requirements for purchases in the stock markets to stimulate increased speculation.

The government must channel available credit, at low interest rates, to where it is needed and curb the inflationary expansion of credit for purposes that are less important to society.

Last December, Congress passed a bill entitled "Lowering Interest Rates, Fighting Inflation, Helping Small Business and Expanding the Mortgage Market"-which grants broad authority to the President for selective measures to curb the specific causes of credit inflation, while expanding credit for needed facilities and business operations. It provides the government with flexible means to re-balance the nation's credit structure and to finance housing, schools, hospitals and other community facilities at low interest rates.

More than four months have passed and still the President has not exercised this authority.

The need for increased low- and moderate-income home construction, at reasonable interest rates, is not being met, forcing the government to initiate interest-subsidy programs that reward high interest rate policies at taxpayers' expense, in order to prevent the complete collapse of home-building. Small and medium-sized businesses have been hit by a lack of available credit at reasonable interest rates. The inability of local governments to obtain low-interest loans is resulting in postponing construction of needed schools, hospitals and other facilities, while available credit is being drained off for less-urgent investments and dubious objectives.

So prices continue to rise rapidly; layoffs and production cutbacks are spreading; urgent social needs are not being met.

Therefore we recommend the following steps to take America out of recession and end inflation:

1. Confronted by the President's failure to use his authority, we urge the Congress to direct the Federal Reserve system to establish selective credit controls, maximum interest rates on specific types of loans and the allocation of available credit to where it will do the most good for America.

2. To meet the goal of 26 million new and rehabilitated housing units in ten years. the government should also require that a portion of such tax-exempt funds as pension, college endowment and foundation funds, as well as bank reserves, be invested in government-guaranteed mortgages.

3. To curb the price-raising ability of the dominant corporations, government action is needed to curtail the continuing high rate of business mergers, which has been greatly increasing the concentration of economic power in a narrowing group of corporations and banks.

4. The specific causes of soaring pressures on living costs, such as physicians' fees, hospital charges, housing costs and auto insurance rates, should be examined for the development of practical, sensible measures to dampen these pressures. If the President, after exercising that authority voted him by Congress, determines he needs additional authority and decides that the situation warrants extraordinary overall stabilization measures, the AFL-CIO will cooperate, so long as such restraints are equitably placed on all costs and incomes--including all prices, profits, dividends, rents and executive compensation, as well as employees' wages and salaries. We are prepared to sacrifice as much as anyone else, as long as anyone else, so long as there is equality of sacrifice.

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Woodcock, we will hear from you now. In my book, Mr. Woodcock, you are bound to be a great man or you would not have been selected to succeed great man. Walter Reuther. He appeared before this committee many times and before the Joint Economic Committee. He always had valuable testimony.

We are delighted to have you, sir. You may proceed in your own

way.

of wage determination in a country of continental size, with thousands of different markets, industries and occupations. These are many factors that appropriately must be considered in the determination of wages in each firm, industry and market.

Furthermore, wages and salaries are not the only cost to business-there are a multitude of other factors But wages and salaries are the sole source of income for most Americans. Rigid application of a single-factor guideline, that bears down on the incomes of the vast majority of American families while profits and dividends have free scope, is neither fair nor workable.

We are prepared to sacrifice-as much as anyone else, for as long as anyone else so long as there is equality of sacrifice.

STATEMENT OF THE AFL-CIO EXECUTIVE COUNCIL ON THE NATIONAL ECONOMY, MAY 12, 1970, WASHINGTON, D.C.

The Administration's campaign against inflation has been a complete failure. Prices have gone up, unemployment has grown, and the nation has crossed the threshold of recession.

The time has obviously come for the Administration to abandon its bankrupt economic policies before the already grave damage to American living standards snowballs.

In April, unemployment soared to 4.8% of the labor force or close to 4 million workers equalling the sharpest month-to-month rise since the 1960 recession. The jobless rate for Negro workers shot up to 8.7% for teenagers, to 15.7%. In the four months since last December, 1.1 million workers were added to the swelling ranks of the unemployed-victims of the Administration's deliberate policy to slow production and employment.

Millions of additional workers have seen their paychecks shrink as the spreading effects of the squeeze on the economy has brought production cutbacks and reductions in working hours.

But living costs have continued to mount. The Consumer Price Index has risen at a yearly rate of about 6% since December.

The buying power of the weekly after-tax earnings of the average non-supervisory worker in private employment-about 48 million wage and salary earners-is less than last year and below 1965.

With unemployment rising sharply and industry operating at merely 79%% of its productive capacity, there is no classical inflationary condition of widespread shortages of goods and manpower that could justify government measures of severe, general economic restraint.

The Administration's policy-with the highest interest rates in 100 yearshas been discriminatory, as well as ineffective, in combating the rapid rise of prices. It has cut urgently needed residential construction-with housing starts down from a yearly rate of 1.9 million in January 1969 to 1.4 million last March. It has hit the expansion of state and local government facilities and smaller businesses. In addition, skyrocketing interest rates have raised costs and prices all along the line to the consumer-adding to inflationary pressures.

Moreover, this blunderbuss policy has not curbed business profiteering, while it boosts bank profits. Cuts in government appropriations, as those for medical schools which threaten to continue the shortage of medical personnel, will continue the soaring rise of medical costs. And the tight monetary squeeze has not curtailed the credit inflation of the banks, with their lines of credit to the blue-chip corporations and wealthy families for lendable funds.

The banks have been permitted to evade the monetary squeeze. In 1969, for example, the international banks increased their "borrowings" from their foreign branches by $7 billion and even modest government regulations were not imposed until September. Bank holding companies issued $4 billion in promissory notes last year-and are continuing to issue such commercial paper, at present-at very high interest rates, free of government regulation.

Thus, while credit for needed production, such as housing. has been drying up-or if available at all, at extortionate interest rates-business loans of the large banks are up 5% from a year ago. The nation's major banks have been extending loans for such operations as conglomerate take-overs, gambling casinos, unnecessary inventory accumulation and a continuing boom of business investment in new plants and machines, while more than 20% of industry's existing capacity stands idle.

Even if the money supply should ease somewhat, there is no assurance that such utter misallocation of available credit by the banks and other financial institutions will not continue or that interest rates will not remain at high levels.

The regular operations of the banks and other financial institutions are not meeting America's needs. Moreover, they have been adding a high-interest rate credit-inflation to the business profit-inflation of the 1960s.

The time is long overdue for a sharp change in the nation's economic policies. The pace of rising prices must be slowed, without a growing army of unemployed. The urgent need is not last week's reduction of margin requirements for purchases in the stock markets to stimulate increased speculation.

The government must channel available credit, at low interest rates, to where it is needed and curb the inflationary expansion of credit for purposes that are less important to society.

Last December, Congress passed a bill entitled "Lowering Interest Rates, Fighting Inflation, Helping Small Business and Expanding the Mortgage Market" which grants broad authority to the President for selective measures to curb the specific causes of credit inflation, while expanding credit for needed facilities and business operations. It provides the government with flexible means to re-balance the nation's credit structure and to finance housing, schools, hospitals and other community facilities at low interest rates.

More than four months have passed and still the President has not exercised this authority.

The need for increased low- and moderate-income home construction, at reasonable interest rates, is not being met, forcing the government to initiate interest-subsidy programs that reward high interest rate policies at taxpayers' expense, in order to prevent the complete collapse of home-building. Small and medium-sized businesses have been hit by a lack of available credit at reasonable interest rates. The inability of local governments to obtain low-interest loans is resulting in postponing construction of needed schools, hospitals and other facilities, while available credit is being drained off for less-urgent investments and dubious objectives.

So prices continue to rise rapidly; layoffs and production cutbacks are spreading; urgent social needs are not being met.

Therefore we recommend the following steps to take America out of recession and end inflation:

1. Confronted by the President's failure to use his authority, we urge the Congress to direct the Federal Reserve system to establish selective credit controls, maximum interest rates on specific types of loans and the allocation of available credit to where it will do the most good for America.

2. To meet the goal of 26 million new and rehabilitated housing units in ten years. the government should also require that a portion of such tax-exempt funds as pension, college endowment and foundation funds, as well as bank reserves, be invested in government-guaranteed mortgages.

3. To curb the price-raising ability of the dominant corporations, government action is needed to curtail the continuing high rate of business mergers, which has been greatly increasing the concentration of economic power in a narrowing group of corporations and banks.

4. The specific causes of soaring pressures on living costs, such as physicians' fees, hospital charges, housing costs and auto insurance rates, should be examined for the development of practical, sensible measures to dampen these pressures. If the President, after exercising that authority voted him by Congress, determines he needs additional authority and decides that the situation warrants extraordinary overall stabilization measures, the AFL-CIO will cooperate, so long as such restraints are equitably placed on all costs and incomes--including all prices, profits, dividends, rents and executive compensation, as well as employees' wages and salaries. We are prepared to sacrifice as much as anyone else, as long as anyone else, so long as there is equality of sacrifice.

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Woodcock, we will hear from you now. In my book, Mr. Woodcock, you are bound to be a great man or you would not have been selected to succeed a great man. Walter Reuther. He appeared before this committee many times and before the Joint Economic Committee. He always had valuable testimony.

We are delighted to have you, sir. You may proceed in your own

way.

STATEMENT OF LEONARD WOODCOCK, PRESIDENT, UNITED AUTOMOBILE, AEROSPACE & AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENT WORKERS OF AMERICA, UAW; ACCOMPANIED BY NAT WEINBERG

Mr. WOODCOCK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We have a statement which we have filed with the committee and which I assume will be placed in the record.

The CHAIRMAN. Yes, sir; it will be inserted in the record at this. point.

(The prepared statement of Mr. Woodcock follows:)

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LEONARD WOODCOCK, PRESIDENT, UNITED AUTOMOBILE, AEROSPACE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENT WORKERS OF AMERICA, UAW

I welcomed the invitation to testify before this Committee on H.R. 17880 because my appearance here offers an opportunity to do two things that I consider important:

1. To reaffirm the traditional commitment of the UAW to contribute in any way it can to the maintenance of reasonable price stability by methods consistent with full employment and with equity for all sections of the population. 2. To reiterate, and to urge prompt enactment of, a legislative proposal the UAW has advanced repeatedly since 1957 which we believe would make a major contribution to stabilization of the general price level.

THE UAW'S COMMITMENT

I do not propose to review in detail the many practical demonstrations the UAW has provided of its genuine commitment to price stability. Many who should be familiar with that record seem to have forgotten it while others deliberately choose to ignore it. For those who lack knowledge of our efforts on behalf of price stability. I should like briefly to mention just a few examples.

1. In 1945-46, when the nation was faced with the prospect (later actuality) of post-World War II inflation, upwards of 200,000 members of the UAW employed by General Motors struck for 113 days under the slogan "wage increases without price increases." They offered to reduce their economic demands to any extent that might be required-to zero, if need be-to avoid imposing on General Motors a necessity to increase its prices in order to obtain reasonable profits. When a fact-finding board appointed by President Truman attempted to explore the corporation's ability to meet the workers' demands without raising its prices, GM walked out of the hearings.

2. In 1957, looking toward the following year's negotiations with the major auto corporations, we offered to confine our economic demands to what those corporations could afford to pay after cutting car prices $100 per car, if they would put such a price decrease into effect. To assure the companies that their interests would be protected, we proposed that, in case of dispute, we would agree to be bound by the determination of an impartial tribunal concerning how much the companies could add to their labor costs without restoring any part of the proposed price reductions and without reducing profits below reasonable levels. That offer was rejected out of hand.

3. Ever since 1957 the UAW has been urging the adoption of a price-notification-and-hearings procedure (to be discussed in some detail later in this statement) which would subject potentially inflationary actions by unions as well as by corporations to the restraining influence of an informed public opinion.

4. After it had become apparent that the price-wage guideposts were collapsing under the weight of the inequities which they had fostered, the last President of the UAW, Walter P. Reuther, proposed to President Johnson's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy, of which he was a member, that the Committee create a task force of experts to explore the possibility of developing an equitable incomes policy for the United States-a policy that would apply to all forms of income, property income as well as income from employment, managerial and professional income as well as workers' income.

I could go on to list numerous other actions the UAW has taken, whenever suitable occasions arose, in efforts to avoid or halt inflation. The essential point, however, is that the UAW has never wavered in its devotion to the cause of price stability and has no intention now of departing from its past anti-inflationary

course. Our position has always been, still is, and will continue to be, that our members' gains should come out of the productivity and profitability of industry and not out of the pockets of consumers. Our members are consumers too and, as far back as the 1945-46 General Motors strike, they were saying through their Union that they were not interested in "the wooden nickels of inflation." That is why they fought for wage increases without price increases-that is why we still seek wage increases without price increases.

Workers victimized by inflation

I appear here not only to testify as the representative of the 1,800,000 members of the UAW but also to speak out on behalf of the millions of American wage and salary workers who are being doubly injured-both by inflation and by ill-conceived efforts to combat it. Those workers (as I will show) did not trigger the inflationary process which now afflicts the nation. Far from gaining from the inflation, they have been among its chief victims, suffering (as I will also show) from reduced living standards, while the average living standard of the rest of the population has forged ahead. Although the workers are not to blame for the inflation, they are now having imposed upon them, in unemployment and short workweeks, the cost of misguided and ineffectual economic policies adopted in the vain hope that they would end the inflation. The same workers who have borne the brunt of both the inflation and the mistaken efforts to halt it are now being asked to sacrifice further by foregoing efforts to correct the inequities that inflation has inflicted upon them. High Administration spokesmen exhort the workers to refrain from seeking the wage increases needed to correct those inequities and incite employers to take strikes rather than yield to the workers' just demands.

Lest the last be deemed an extreme and unfounded statement, let me hasten to document it with just one example of the many available. In a situation where prices are rising sharply, as they are currently, it is obvious that workers can share in the fruits of rising productivity and maintain their economic position relative to other groups in the population only by obtaining money wage increases significantly greater in percentage terms than the increase in productivity. Nevertheless, the New York Times of May 10, 1970, reported that Secretary of the Treasury David M. Kennedy:

"... believes that business has a key role to play in defeating inflation by resisting labor demands for wage increases that exceed gains in productivity.

""The short-run cost will be labor unrest,' Mr. Kennedy said, 'perhaps at a relatively high pitch. But the long-run benefit to the economy, and to our nation, can be great indeed.'" [Emphasis added.]

Because of our concern for price stability, we have always given open-minded consideration to every proposal directed toward that end. We have given such consideration to HR 17880 which is now before this Committee.

I should like first to comment briefly on title I of that bill, which provides for uniform accounting standards to be followed by defense contractors, and then to proceed to Title II which relates to stabilization of the general price level. Following that, I will discuss the guidepost and incomes policy approaches to stabilization and then the UAW's proposal.

UNIFORM ACCOUNTING SYSTEM FOR DEFENSE CONTRACTORS

We wholeheartly support the purposes of title I which would require the Comptroller General to:

"Promulgate cost-accounting standards designed to achieve uniformity and consistency in the cost-accounting practices followed by defense contractors and subcontractors under Federal contracts."

We would urge, however, that three strengthening amendments be added to it.

The first is perhaps implicit in the bill's present language but we believe nothing would be lost and something might be gained if it were made explicit. Specifically, we believe it would be desirable to add language requiring uniformity in accounting with respect to profits, profit rates on sales and profit rates on the contractor's net worth (as distinguished from the government's investment in plant, facilities, etc.) involved in fulfilling the contract.

Second, accounting should be required for all government costs involved For example, if the contractor used government owned equipment in carrying out his contract, there should be an accounting for the cost of government in

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