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observe this day with appropriate programs, ceremonies, and activities.

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and fifteenth.

George Bush

[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 11:09 a.m., August 7, 1990]

Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater
on the Anniversary of the Central
American Peace Plan
August 7, 1990

August 7th commemorates a decisive anniversary in the history of Central America: the third anniversary of the signing in Guatemala City of Esquipulas II, the Central American peace plan. On this date 3 years ago, farsighted and courageous Central American leaders decided to forge a destiny of peace by constructing a framework for democracy. Enshrined as the central pillar of this agreement was the promise to "make dialog prevail over violence and reason over rancor."

Three years later, Central Americans can proudly claim progress. Fair and honest elections were held in Nicaragua, a coalition committed to the consolidation of democratic institutions has been elected, and the civil war has ended. President Chamorro [of Nicaragua] is courageously rebuilding her country. Although irregular forces still conduct campaigns of violence against democratically elected governments in El Salvador and Guatemala, a serious process of dialog has begun in both countries which we hope will lead to an end to the war and a strengthening of democracy.

We salute the work of Presidents Calderon [of Costa Rica], Callejas [of Honduras], Cerezo [of Guatemala], Chamorro, and Cristiani [of El Salvador] and the work of their predecessors. On this day, we join with them in recommitting the United

States to work with them and all Central Americans for democracy, development, and peace in the spirit of Esquipulas.

Address to the Nation Announcing the Deployment of United States Armed Forces to Saudi Arabia

August 8, 1990

In the life of a nation, we're called upon to define who we are and what we believe. Sometimes these choices are not easy. But today as President, I ask for your support in a decision I've made to stand up for what's right and condemn what's wrong, all in the cause of peace.

At my direction, elements of the 82d Airborne Division as well as key units of the United States Air Force are arriving today to take up defensive positions in Saudi Arabia. I took this action to assist the Saudi Arabian Government in the defense of its homeland. No one commits America's Armed Forces to a dangerous mission lightly, but after perhaps unparalleled international consultation and exhausting every alternative, it became necessary to take this action. Let me tell you why.

Less than a week ago, in the early morning hours of August 2d, Iraqi Armed Forces, without provocation or warning, invaded a peaceful Kuwait. Facing negligible resistance from its much smaller neighbor, Iraq's tanks stormed in blitzkrieg fashion through Kuwait in a few short hours. With more than 100,000 troops, along with tanks, artillery, and surface-to-surface missiles, Iraq now occupies Kuwait. This aggression came just hours after Saddam Hussein [President of Iraq] specifically assured numerous countries in the area that there would be no invasion. There is no justification whatsoever for this outrageous and brutal act of aggression.

A puppet regime imposed from the outside is unacceptable. The acquisition of territory by force is unacceptable. No one, friend or foe, should doubt our desire for peace; and no one should underestimate our determination to confront aggression.

Four simple principles guide our policy. First, we seek the immediate, uncondition

al, and complete withdrawal of all Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Second, Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored to replace the puppet regime. And third, my administration, as has been the case with every President from President Roosevelt to President Reagan, is committed to the security and stability of the Persian Gulf. And fourth, I am determined to protect the lives of American citizens abroad.

Immediately after the Iraqi invasion, I ordered an embargo of all trade with Iraq and, together with many other nations, announced sanctions that both freeze all Iraqi assets in this country and protected Kuwait's assets. The stakes are high. Iraq is already a rich and powerful country that possesses the world's second largest reserves of oil and over a million men under arms. It's the fourth largest military in the world. Our country now imports nearly half the oil it consumes and could face a major threat to its economic independence. Much of the world is even more dependent upon imported oil and is even more vulnerable to Iraqi threats.

We succeeded in the struggle for freedom in Europe because we and our allies remain stalwart. Keeping the peace in the Middle East will require no less. We're beginning a new era. This new era can be full of promise, an age of freedom, a time of peace for all peoples. But if history teaches us anything, it is that we must resist aggression or it will destroy our freedoms. Appeasement does not work. As was the case in the 1930's, we see in Saddam Hussein an aggressive dictator threatening his neighbors. Only 14 days ago, Saddam Hussein promised his friends he would not invade Kuwait. And 4 days ago, he promised the world he would withdraw. And twice we have seen what his promises mean: His promises mean nothing.

In the last few days, I've spoken with political leaders from the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and the Americas; and I've met with Prime Minister Thatcher [of the United Kingdom], Prime Minister Mulroney [of Canada], and NATO Secretary General Woerner. And all agree that Iraq cannot be allowed to benefit from its invasion of Kuwait.

We agree that this is not an American problem or a European problem or a

Middle East problem: it is the world's problem. And that's why, soon after the Iraqi invasion, the United Nations Security Council, without dissent, condemned Iraq, calling for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of its troops from Kuwait. The Arab world, through both the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council, courageously announced its opposition to Iraqi aggression. Japan, the United Kingdom, and France, and other governments around the world have imposed severe sanctions. The Soviet Union and China ended all arms sales to Iraq.

And this past Monday, the United Nations Security Council approved for the first time in 23 years mandatory sanctions under chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. These sanctions, now enshrined in international law, have the potential to deny Iraq the fruits of aggression while sharply limiting its ability to either import or export anything of value, especially oil.

I pledge here today that the United States will do its part to see that these sanctions are effective and to induce Iraq to withdraw without delay from Kuwait.

But we must recognize that Iraq may not stop using force to advance its ambitions. Iraq has massed an enormous war machine on the Saudi border capable of initiating hostilities with little or no additional preparation. Given the Iraqi government's history of aggression against its own citizens as well as its neighbors, to assume Iraq will not attack again would be unwise and unrealistic.

And therefore, after consulting with King Fahd [of Saudi Arabia], I sent Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney to discuss cooperative measures we could take. Following those meetings, the Saudi Government requested our help, and I responded to that request by ordering U.S. air and ground forces to deploy to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Let me be clear: The sovereign independence of Saudi Arabia is of vital interest to the United States. This decision, which I shared with the congressional leadership, grows out of the longstanding friendship and security relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia. U.S. forces will work together with those of Saudi

Arabia and other nations to preserve the integrity of Saudi Arabia and to deter further Iraqi aggression. Through their presence, as well as through training and exercises, these multinational forces will enhance the overall capability of Saudi Armed Forces to defend the Kingdom.

I want to be clear about what we are doing and why. America does not seek conflict, nor do we seek to chart the destiny of other nations. But America will stand by her friends. The mission of our troops is wholly defensive. Hopefully, they will not be needed long. They will not initiate hostilities, but they will defend themselves, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and other friends in the Persian Gulf.

We are working around the clock to deter Iraqi aggression and to enforce U.N. sanctions. I'm continuing my conversations with world leaders. Secretary of Defense Cheney has just returned from valuable consultations with President Mubarak of Egypt and King Hassan of Morocco. Secretary of State Baker has consulted with his counterparts in many nations, including the Soviet Union, and today he heads for Europe to consult with President Özal of Turkey, a staunch friend of the United States. And he'll then consult with the NATO Foreign Ministers.

I will ask oil-producing nations to do what they can to increase production in order to minimize any impact that oil flow reductions will have on the world economy. And I will explore whether we and our allies should draw down our strategic petroleum reserves. Conservation measures can also help; Americans everywhere must do their part. And one more thing: I'm asking the oil companies to do their fair share. They should show restraint and not abuse today's uncertainties to raise prices.

Standing up for our principles will not come easy. It may take time and possibly cost a great deal. But we are asking no more of anyone than of the brave young men and women of our Armed Forces and their families. And I ask that in the churches around the country prayers be said for those who are committed to protect and defend America's interests.

Standing up for our principle is an American tradition. As it has so many times before, it may take time and tremendous

effort, but most of all, it will take unity of purpose. As I've witnessed throughout my life in both war and peace, America has never wavered when her purpose is driven by principle. And in this August day, at home and abroad, I know she will do no less.

Thank you, and God bless the United States of America.

Note: The President spoke at 9 a.m. from the Oval Office at the White House. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.

The President's News Conference
August 8, 1990

The President. Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press]?

Deployment of U.S. and Allied Forces to
Saudi Arabia

Q. Mr. President, how many American troops have you sent to Saudi Arabia? How long are you committed to keeping them there? And why not use them to drive Iraqi forces out of Kuwait?

The President. There will be a military briefing at the Pentagon-I think it's within an hour-and so, I'll leave the numbers to them. I would expect there would be some reluctance to give out specific numbers at this point for very obvious reasons.

What was the last part of your

Q. The other parts, sir, were: How long will you keep American forces in Saudi Arabia, and why not use them to drive the Iraqi troops out of Kuwait?

The President. Well, as you know from what I said, they're there in a defensive mode right now, and therefore, that is not the mission to drive the Iraqis out of Kuwait. We have economic sanctions that I hope will be effective to that end. And I don't know how long they'll be there. They just got there or are just getting there.

Q. Is this an open-ended commitment? I mean, could this drag on for years?

The President. Nothing is open-ended, but I'm not worrying about that there at all. I'm worrying about getting them there and

doing what I indicated in our speech in there is necessary: the defense of the Saudis and trying through concerted international means to reverse out this aggression.

Q. Mr. President, are we in a war? And what other nations have agreed to join our forces in defending Saudi Arabia? And I take it you also have included other Gulf nations in that umbrella.

The President. We're not in a war. We have sent forces to defend Saudi Arabia. I will leave announcements about what other nations will be participating to the Saudis. But I believe Margaret Thatcher, after talking to King Fahd [of Saudi Arabia], has announced that forces will be going in; and then I think you'll see other such actions. But I'd much prefer to leave that to Saudi Arabia, who indeed-it's their country.

Q. But was [Secretary of Defense] Cheney's mission successful in rallying support with Egypt and Morocco?

The President. Well, I, having talked to Mubarak [President of Egypt] a couple of times myself, feel that we are in very close agreement with him.

Who was your other country you asked about?

Q. Morocco, Yemen.

The President. Morocco-very, very supportive of the Saudis and of our overall position on the Mideast. So, I was very pleased with the Cheney mission in that regard.

Brit [Brit Hume, ABC News]?

Americans in Iraq and Kuwait

Q. Mr. President, there are several dozen Americans in Baghdad apparently not able to leave at this point, and perhaps hundreds more in Kuwait-perhaps elsewhere in Iraq as well. In view of the extreme political sensitivity of Americans toward this whole question of hostages, why should not Saddam Hussein feel that he holds very high cards now in dealing with the United States?

The President. I've been encouraged that there have been actually announcements, I believe, saying people were free to leave. So, I'm not going to speculate or hypothecate beyond that. I want to see them out of there, obviously. But what he does—that's a bit unpredictable. But I'm not going to try to heighten tensions in this regard by re

sponding to hypothetical questions that might go beyond your question.

Q. Well, I just wonder what assurances you might be able to provide, sir, that our policy in this instance will not become, as it has in the past, hostage taking.

The President. I can provide only the assurance that I consider the protection of American life fundamental to my job and responsibilities as President.

Chemical Weapons

Q. Mr. President, the question of chemical weapons-there are reports that the Iraqis were seen loading airplanes with chemical weapons. How concerned are you that he would use these over our troops that are there now?

The President. I think anytime you deal with somebody who has used chemical weapons on the battlefield you are concerned about it. I would think that he'd know, given the way the world views the use of chemical weapons, that it would be intolerable and that it would be dealt with very, very severely. So, I would hope that there would be no use of chemical weap

ons.

President Saddam Hussein of Iraq

Q. Mr. President, I'm being told in my ear that there is a report or a rumor out of Jedda that Saddam Hussein is dead. Have you heard anything of this?

The President. I have not heard anything of that.

Oil Production and the Iraqi Pipeline

Q. Do you know if the Saudis are going to follow the Turks' lead in shutting off an Iraqi pipeline, the one to the south? Have you had any promises from the Saudis or any other oil-producing countries that they will increase production to make up for this shortfall?

The President. I believe that the Venezuelans have announced a significant increase, and I expect you'd find others to follow.

And what was the first part, John [John Cochran, NBC News]?

Q. The Saudis cutting off the pipeline. The President. That matter will be discussed, I'm sure. And I know that the Saudis are fully in accord with the action taken by the United Nations in terms of

chapter VII sanctions. But we have no deal with them in that regard.

American News Media in Saudi Arabia

Q. Sir, it's difficult for us to get information from Saudi Arabia, one reason being the American news media were not permitted to accompany American troops into Saudi Arabia. Was that your decision or King Fahd's?

The President. That decision didn't come to me, but there's plenty of reporters in Saudi Arabia right now.

Q. Well, do you think there should be a Pentagon pool as there was, for example, in Panama?

The President. I'd have to discuss that with the Secretary of Defense. I'm glad that that many forces could be moved with not too much advance warning and with not too much, therefore, risk to Saudi Arabia or to these troops.

Deployment of U.S. Forces and Soviet
Support

Q. Mr. President, was there any one single thing that tipped your hand into deciding to send U.S. troops and aircraft into Saudi Arabia? And secondly, how supportive have the Soviets been of your decision?

were

The President. There was no one single thing that I can think of, but when King Fahd requested such support, we prompt to respond. But I can't think of an individual, specific thing. If there was one, it would perhaps be the Saudis moving south when they said they were withdrawing.

Q. You mean the Iraqis, sir?

The President. I mean the Iraqis. Thank you very much. It's been a long night. The Iraqis moving down to the Kuwait-Saudi border when, indeed, they had given their word that they were withdrawing. That heightened our concern.

Q. How supportive have the Soviets been of your decision, sir?

The President. The Soviets have been very responsible, in my view. They have joined the United Nations on that resolution; and [Secretary of State] Jim Baker, as recently as yesterday afternoon or evening, was in touch with Shevardnadze [Soviet Foreign Minister] again. And you know, I

can't ask for a more favorable response than he received.

Yes, Jerry [Gerald Seib, Wall Street Journal]?

Economic Sanctions Against Iraq

Q. Mr. President, is it your intention to let economic pressure alone provide the force that drives Iraq out of Kuwait? And are you prepared to wait several months, which is how long it might take for the economic sanctions to really bite?

The President. Well, we've taken this first significant step to defend Saudi Arabia. The economic sanctions should begin to bite pretty soon. There will be further steps taken to ensure that they are fully effective. And then we'll wait and see where we go from there. But I have no-we're not-I'm not beyond that in my thinking. There obviously is a lot of contingency planning that always goes on and, prudently, should go

on.

Charles [Charles Bierbauer, Cable News Network], then Ann [Ann Devroy, Washington Post].

Arab Participation in the Multinational
Force in Saudi Arabia

Q. Mr. President, I can understand the need for individual countries to announce their own intentions with regards to the multinational force, but it's our understanding that the Saudis wanted an Arab component in that force. Is that, in fact, the case, and will there be one?

The President. They didn't tell us that, but it would not be at all surprising if there was an Arab component in that force, not at all.

Q. But you do not have one at this point? The President. Well, I'm not going to comment on-because I think announcement of all components really should come from the participating countries.

Yes, Ann?

Q. Not even broadly to define it as Arab, if not by nation?

The President. No. I told you I wouldn't be surprised if that happened but I'd much prefer to have the announcements of that come from others. I think it is important that the focus be on Saudi requests and on defensive nature of the move we've made with these forces.

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