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went to make an alteration in the religion of the country, should be discussed in that House until the proposition had been first considered by a committee, or agreed to by the House.

This being done, the Speaker said that in matters of this nature it was the practice to begin with a committee of the whole House, but at the same time he did not know that any member was precluded from moving abstract resolutions. After some further conversation on the subject, Lord Castlereagh spoke warmly respecting the injury the hon. baronet was doing to the cause by the course he was taking; and put it to himself if many friends to the question had not withdrawn themselves on this account. He himself could not give it his support, and he hoped the hon. baronet would not persevere in his motion.

Sir H. Parnell, after defending his conduct on the ground of public duty, consented to withdraw his resolutions.

In the House of Lords, on June 11th, the petitions of the catholics of Ireland were presented by the Earl of Donoughmore, and read; and his motion for taking them into consideration on the 21st, was agreed to. At the same time Earl Grey presented the petition of the catholics of England, which was also read and laid upon the table.

The catholic question was taken into consideration on the 21st, when the Earl of Donoughmore, in calling the attention of their lordships to the petitions before them, stated a resolution which he intended to propose to the House. Its substance was a declaration

of the duty of parliament to endeavour by a conciliatory policy to bind together our fellow-subjects of whatever religious persuasion, and that this House will accordingly, in the next session of parliament, take into its early consideration those disabling statutes which still press upon the Roman-catholics of Great Britain and Ireland. In the subsequent debate, the resolution was opposed on the ground of the impropriety of fettering the discretion of the House by such an engagement; and also by the arguments so often before urged relative to the dangers of the constitution in church and state, from the catholic claims, especially as the clergy of that persuasion in Ireland had explicitly declared a determination of standing independent of the British crown. The supporters of the resolution, on the other hand, argued in its favour from those principles of the equality of civil rights amidst all differences of religion not hostile to civil government, which they had always maintained. These discussions could afford no novelty requiring notice; but the liberal opinion declared by the Bishop of Norwich respecting the church of which he is a dignitary, appears to us too interesting to be passed over. "It had been asked (said his lordship) as a triumphant objection, would we pull down the bulwarks of our faith? would we remove the defensive guard of our religion? would we shake the pillars of our church? Im.. pressed with those feelings that became his situation, he would give a short answer. The only way to secure permanently the existence of any establishment,

civil or ecclesiastical, was to evince liberal and conciliatory conduct to those who differed from us, and to lay its foundation in the love, affection, and esteem of all within its influence. This

was the true bulwark of our church with this it was secure against all danger: without this every other security was futile and fallacious."

The division on the resolution gave, Contents 69; Non-contents 73: Majority against it 4.

On April 25th Lord Castlereagh rose in the House of Commons to move the repeal of the present Alien Bill, for the purpose of introducing a measure more caleulated for the circumstances of the country, and similar to that adopted after the peace of Paris. He said, that although tranquillity in Europe had been restored, the situation of Great Britain was still such as to require precautions against the possibility of the disturbance of internal security. The noble lord then moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the act of the last session respecting aliens, and to substitute other provisions for a time to be limited.

Some conversation ensued concerning the necessity of such a bill, which terminated in the requested leave being obtained,

Complaint being made of precipitation in carrying on the bill, for which haste the reason given was, that the existing bill would expire on May 12th, a postponement of the second reading to May 1st was agreed to. On that day Sir Samuel Romilly moved, "That there be laid before the House an account of the number of aliens sent out of the country under any of the acts relating to aliens,

upon the application of any foreign minister;" which was negatived by 82 against 31.

The second reading of the Alien Bill was moved for by Lord Castlereagh on May 10th, when Lord Archibald Hamilton began the attack upon it by arguing that its enactments were at this time totally unnecessary, and that its powers were oppressive and dangerous; and he moved as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time on that day three, months.

There is less occasion to enter into the particulars of the subsequent debate, as the bill was stated to be a precise counterpart of that which passed two years before. The ground for its renewal was distinctly declared by Lord Castlereagh. He would ask, (said he) the learned and hon. gentleman who had opposed it, if he would recommend government and parliament to throw open the country to all those violent and troubled spirits who assembled about Buonaparte when he made his last and desperate effort to disturb the peace of the world?" As it was not obvious that any peculiar danger accrued to this country from the presence of such emigrants, the speakers in opposition regarded the measure as rather subservient to the policy of the French court, than called for by the circumstances of England; and the debate involved much discussion, both legal and political. The House dividing upon the question, the second reading was carried by 141 votes against 47.

The bill having gone into a committee, the order of the day for receiving its report stood for

May

May 20th. The debate having been resumed, the question was called for with some impatience, when, upon a division, it was determined for admitting the report by a majority of 148 to 48.

Sir S. Romilly then moved that the bill should be renewed for one year only, instead of two years as proposed. This amendment was rejected by 124 votes to 44.

Sir James Mackintosh then proposed a new clause for the purpose of giving effect to that right of appeal to the privy-council, which the bill held out to aliens as a security, but which a certain decision had rendered perfectly nugatory. The resolution on the clause being moved and seconded, an adjournment was moved by the opposition to give an opportunity for its full discussion. Lord Castlereagh, on the other hand, moved that the bill should be engrossed, which would be precluding all farther amendments in this stage; but at length he yielded to the adjournment.

When the motion was read on May 28th for the third reading of the bill, Lord Althorp said, that seeing no prospect of its rejection, he wished to do all the practical good in his power by guarding against its abusive exercise; he therefore proposed a clause to exempt from the operation of the bill any aliens who were resident in this country before January 1st, 1816, intimating that he would be willing to adopt any other date the House should think proper, his object being only to protect those aliens who had been long resident in this country.

The question having been put,

Lord Castlereagh objected to it as too much narrowing the operation of the bill. After a debate

on the subject, Lord Althorp having amended his clause by substituting the 1st of January, 1813, it was put to the vote, when the numbers for the clause were 33; against it 76.

The debate on the third reading being resumed on the 31st, Lord Milton observed, that by its provisions as they now stood, an alien woman married to a natural-born subject, might be sent out of the kingdom. He wished to guard against such an abuse by a clause for the purpose.

Lord Castlereagh thought that a discretion upon that point might safely be left in the hands of government, and that the insertion of the clause would only be embarrassing the operations of the bill.

This being his lordship's only argument against it, he was charged with opposing it solely because he wished to have the entire direction and control over the bill. The clause was rejected by 91 votes to 31.

It would be useless to mention other amendments which were proposed for the mitigation of the rigour of the bill which were negatived. then passed.

all The bill

The alien bill being introduced into the House of Lords, the debates upon it took the same turn as those in the other House, and the fate of proposed clauses of amendment was exactly similar. The reading of the bill a third time was carried on June 18th, after a division of Contents, 108; Non-contents, 48: Majority 60.

CHAPTER

CHAPTER V.

Bill for Regulation of the Civil List.-Motion on Salaries and Emoluments in Public Offices.-Consolidation of English and Irish Exchequers.-Bill for a new Silver Coinage.

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NE of the most important of the parliamentary transactions of the present year, was the passing of a bill for the regulation of the Civil List. On May 3d, the order of the day being for taking into consideration the report made in June 1815, by the select committee appointed to consider the account presented to the House, by command of the Prince Regent, relative to the civil list, Lord Castlereagh rose, pursuant to notice, for leave to bring in a bill for the purpose above-stated.

The noble lord, after an introduction, stating the delicacy of the subject, and the mistaken notions which had prevailed concerning it, divided the topic, which it was his intention to treat of, into the following heads: 1. a retrospective view of the civil list expenditure for a series of years, compared with its revenues: 2. a prospective view of the probable future expenditure of the civil list, with a consideration of the adequacy of the funds appropriated to it, and the most economical mode of augmenting them 3. the prospective regulations which would be necessary for upholding the proper splendor of the crown, paying at the same time all due regard to economy.

It is obvious, that these heads could only be treated of by means of minute statements of accounts, which do not admit of abridgment. Under that of regulations, however, the appointment of a new officer, on whom the control of the expenditure is in a great measure vested, affords an interesting object of information. The noble lord said, that for the purpose of bringing the expenditure under some direct control, it was necessary to create a new officer, who should act as the representative of the treasury in the superintendance of this expenditure. He was to have all facilities of communicating with the different departments, and of calling the officers before him, and inspecting the accounts. Thus he would be able to observe any expenditure as it was going on, and make representations to the treasury on any thing which should appear like extravagance. The salary annexed to this office was 15001. a year.

His lordship closed the subject, with saying, that "The crown had been most unfairly, unjustly, and unfortunately, accused of profusion and extravagance; from which charge it was his duty to rescue the Sovereign, and he hoped he had succeeded."

ceeded." He informed the members, that there would be placed in their hands the documents ne. cessary for a just understanding of the question, and he concluded by moving for leave to bring in the proposed bill, which was granted.

On May 6th, Mr. Tierney rose, according to notice, for the purpose of calling the attention of the House to the subject of the civil list. Going through at length the details of the accounts which had been laid before the House, he deduced from them very different results from those which had been stated by the noble lord, and which were far from justifying his encomiums on the economy displayed by the crown, or inspiring confidence in the effect of his prospective arrangements. He concluded an able speech, but of which no summary can be given, by moving, "That a select committee be appointed, to take into consideration the several accounts and papers which have been presented to this House, relating to his Majesty's civil list, with power to send for persons papers, and records." If this motion were carried, he declared his intention to move, "That it be an instruction to the said committee, to report on the question of the droits of Admiralty."

Lord Castlereagh, in answer, went into an examination of some of the statements of the right hon. gentleman, premising, that he had never heard a speech less conciliatory, or more calculated to inflame a jealousy of the royal expenditure. Several other gentlemen joined in the debate on each side, whose arguments being

founded on the particulars of the accounts, cannot be understood in a detached form. The House at length divided, when the numbers were, For Mr. Tierney's motion 122; Against it 213: Majority 91.

The report of the civil list bill being brought up on May 24th, M. Tierney rose again to call the attention of the House to it. He said, the present bill professed to afford a remedy for the constantly recurring excesses of the civil list, which consisted in separating the ordinary expenses from those which were less immediately connected with the splendor of the crown, and throwing the latter, partly on the consolidated fund, and partly leaving them to be provided for by the votes of the House. The whole of the annual charge for these purposes would amount to 1,388,000l., of which parliament must make good 255,000l.; this was therefore a most important bill, and it would well become the House, before they assented to it, to consider, whether means might not be found of paring down the civil list, before they resorted to other resources. On this point, he had nothing to say: having repeatedly directed the attention of the House to it, they had always refused to appoint a committee. The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to consider the estimate as it had been laid on the table; and made a number of observations, to show that parliament ought not to be called upon to make good any deficiency in the civil list, till proof had been given, that all the resources of

the

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