Page images
PDF
EPUB

tions. But I venture to say that this duty is not fulfilled and that there still remains something for us to do.

I am going to explain.

The Czar's proposal has been strewn with all the flowers of rhetoric by men much more eloquent than I. It will suffice for me to say that, while his idea is grand and beautiful and while it responds to a desire felt by thousands upon thousands of men, that means too that it cannot die. If the Emperor will only add to the nobility of heart and generosity of spirit, of which he has given proof, the virtue of perseverance, the triumph of his work is assured. He has received from Providence, not only gifts of power, but also that of youth. If the generation to which we belong is not destined to accomplish the task, he may count on that which is coming soon to take our places. The future belongs to him. But, meanwhile, all of us who desired to be each in his little sphere of activity, his humble and faithful coworkers, have the duty of searching for and explaining to our Governments with entire frankness and complete veracity, each imperfection, each omission, which may occur in the preparation or in the execution of this work, and of seeking with tenacity the means of doing better and doing more, whether these means be found in new conferences, in direct negotiations or with all simplicity in the setting of a good example. There is the duty which remains for us to acomplish.

In conclusion, I declare that I support the proposition that his Excellency Mr. BEERNAERT has just made. (Applause.)

Mr. Bille, first delegate of Denmark, states that the views expressed by Baron BILDT are in complete harmony with those of the Danish Government. Mr. Léon Bourgeois expresses himself in the following terms:

I have been very happy to listen to the eloquent remarks that Baron BILDT has just delivered. They express not only my personal opinion and the opinion of my colleagues of the French delegation, but, I am sure, the unanimous opinion of the members of the Conference.

I wish then, gentlemen, to join in the appeal which the delegate of Sweden and Norway has just made. I believe that to express completely the thought by which it was animated, the Commission must do something more.

I have read carefully the text of the conclusions adopted by the technical committeee. This report shows with great precision and force the difficulties now in the way of concluding an international convention on the limitation of armaments. The examination of these practical difficulties was indeed exactly the work of the technical committee and no one thinks of criticizing the terms in which it has acquitted itself of its task.

But the Commission has the duty to consider from a point of view that is more general and lofty the problem presented by the first paragraph of Count MOURAVIEFF'S circular. The Commission certainly does not wish to remain indifferent to the question of principle presented to the civilized world by the generous initiative of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia. It seems to me necessary that an additional resolution be adopted by us to express more precisely the sentiments which animated the preceding speaker and which should make us all desire that the work undertaken be not abandoned.

This question of principle is summed up in very simple terms: Is it desirable to restrict the military charges that are weighing on the world?

I listened with great care in the last meeting to the remarkable speech of

Colonel GROSS VON SCHWARZHOFF. He presented with the greatest possible force the technical objections which, according to his view, prevented the Commission from adopting the proposals of Colonel GILINSKY. It did not, however, seem to me that he at the same time sufficiently recognized the general ideas. in pursuance of which we are here united. He showed us that Germany is easily supporting the expense of its military organization and reminded us that notwithstanding this his country was enjoying a very great measure of commercial prosperity.

I belong to a country which also supports readily all personal and financial obligations imposed by national defense upon its citizens, and we have the hope of showing next year to the world that they have not lessened the activity of our production nor hindered the increase of our economic prosperity. But,

Colonel GROSS VON SCHWARZ HOFF will surely recognize with me that, [34] for his country as for mine, if the considerable resources that are devoted to military organization were in part put to the service of pacific and productive activities, the total of prosperity of each nation could not but increase at a much more rapid pace.

This is the idea which it is important not only to express here among us but also, if possible, to state before the opinion of the world.

Therefore, if I were called upon to vote on the question laid down by the first paragraph of the proposition of Colonel GILINSKY, I should not hesitate to express myself in the affirmative.

However, we perhaps have no right here to consider only how our own particular country bears the burdens of armed peace. Our task is a higher one: We are called upon to examine the situation of the nations as a whole.

In other words, we not only have to cast private votes in accordance with our own particular situation. If there is a general idea which may serve for the common welfare, we should try to elicit it. It is not our mission to constitute ourselves a majority or a minority. We must not bring out what may separate us, but we should seek what is likely to unite us.

If we deliberate in this spirit, I hope we shall find a general formula which, making reservation with regard to the difficulties of which we are all aware, will at least express the idea that the limitation of armaments would be a benefit to humanity and give the Governments the necessary moral support in order to enable them to pursue this noble purpose.

Gentlemen, the purpose of civilization appears to us to be to place more and more above the struggle for existence among men an agreement among them for the struggle against the cruel servitudes of matter. This is the same idea which the initiative of the Czar proposes that we affirm with respect to the relations among the nations.

While it is a painful necessity to be obliged to give up a positive and immediate understanding on this matter at present, we must try to prove to public opinion that we have at least sincerely examined the problem placed before us. We shall not have labored in vain if, by formulating general terms, we indicate the purpose toward which we unanimously desire, as I hope, to see the civilized peoples as a whole march. (Applause.)

The President requests Mr. BOURGEOIS to kindly frame in writing the wish which he has just so eloquently expressed.

Mr. Léon Bourgeois, proposes the following wording:

The Commission is of opinion that the restriction of military charges, which are at present a heavy burden on the world, is extremely desirable for the increase of the material and moral welfare of mankind.

As no delegate asks the floor in regard to the proposition of Mr. BOURGEOIS, which has just been heard with such favor, the President declares it to be adopted.

Mr. Delyanni, a delegate from Greece, wishes to explain why he could not support the propositions of the delegate from Russia, as well as the reasons why his Government could not now join in measures which would hamper its efforts toward the reorganization of its army.

Far be it from me (he said) to disregard the breadth of views of the Russian circular of December 30, 1898; on the contrary I admire the magnanimity of His Majesty the Emperor NICOLAS II, who, in order to lighten the heavy burdens which weigh on the peoples for the maintenance of large armies, proposes to encourage the non-augmentation, for a period to be fixed, of the present effective strength of the armed forces of land and sea, as well as of war budgets relating thereto, and a preliminary study of the ways in which it might even be possible in future to accomplish a reduction of the aforementioned effective strength and budgets. I believe, however, that we should, before reaching a final decision on this grave question, take into account the peculiar situation of each of the countries represented at the Conference; thus, as far as Greece is concerned, I should like to submit to the judgment of the Conference and develop the views of my Government on the matter which forms the first theme of the Russian circular.

In consequence of budgetary difficulties and of the financial situation in which Greece has been during recent years, we have been unable to deal seriously with the question of reorganizing our army according to the plans generally accepted by all other countries, or of endowing it with improved armament.

After the last war, the Greek Government found it necessary to take into serious consideration the reorganization of its army and navy on a new basis, as well as the improvement of its military and naval armament, but as these

questions of such capital importance to the country are under study and [35] as it has been impossible as yet to reach any definite decision, it does not

seem possible to us to assume any formal engagements on these questions, that is, engagements which would bind the Greek Government, in case the studies which are now under way in regard to its military situation should induce it subsequently to increase to a certain extent the nucleus or numbers of its military and naval forces in time of peace; especially as the strength of its present army is much below the average of the armies of the other nations, particularly of those whose budgetary situation and population offer any analogy with Greece; for, if Greece were to keep within the same proportions as the nations of which I have just spoken, it would have to maintain in time of peace a much more numerous army than that which it maintains at present.

For these reasons Greece, while doing homage to the generous idea which inspires the Russian circular, could not in a general way assume obligations of a prohibitory nature in regard to the non-augmentation, for a period to be prescribed, of the present effective strength of her land and sea forces, as well as of

the war budgets relating thereto, or the reduction in future of the aforesaid effective strength and budgets.

The assembly now takes up the examination of the Russian propositions relating to the navy.

The President now reads the report of the subcommission, worded as follows:

The second subcommission met Monday the 26th instant, immediately after the meeting of the First Commission, in order to take into consideration the Russian propositions concerning the navy, as formulated by the delegate from Russia, Captain SCHEINE.

The latter kindly gave the subcommission some subsequent explanations in order to accurately define the sense and scope of the propositions specified in Annex G of the summary account of the meeting of the First Commission of June 23.

Captain SCHEINE, after stating that the budget of the navy as referred to in the Russian proposition, comprises the extraordinary as well as the ordinary budget, made the important communication that it is understood as a matter of course that each Power preserves full liberty in regard to the amount which it pledges itself not to surpass for a period of, say, three years.

Russia herself proposes preliminarily to fix the amount at ten per cent. more than her present budget, but each Power might choose as a basis for the pledge a budget increased to such extent as might appear necessary to it, going as high as the maximum of the increases announced by the Powers. From the exchange of views which took place in the subcommission it appears:

1. That some delegates foresee as a matter of fact the possibility of accepting fundamentally the Russian propositions, but must wait, before expressing themselves permanently, until they receive instructions from their Governments.

2. That the majority of the delegates of the subcommission did not wish to express themselves to this effect, since in the first place constitutional difficulties would be encountered in parliamentary countries against pledging in advance the budgetary vote of the legislative assemblies.

When, finally, after a prolonged discussion, it appeared impossible to come to an agreement or to find any other expedient than that of leaving the question unsettled, the president Mr. VAN KARNEBEEK proposed that the delegates recommend to their Governments a study of the Russian propositions, which would enable them to decide at a subsequent conference.

As this proposition did not meet with the sanction of the subcommission (5 votes for, 5 against, and 5 abstaining), the latter had to take a vote on a motion of Captain SCHEINE having in view extending an invitation to the delegates to obtain, within the shortest possible time, instructions which should enable them to pass in a conclusive manner before the end of the Conference on the propositions of the Russian Government. Seven votes having been given for, one against, and one abstaining, this proposition of Captain SCHEINE had to be regarded as being adopted; and the subcommission, having thereafter instructed four of its members to report the results of the deliberations to the First Commission, the undersigned, constituting the drafting committee, therefore have the honor to state that the opinion which prevailed in the subcommission, while not implying an acceptance of the Russian propositions, does not preclude the hope that it will be possible to find a way to accomplish the purpose of introducing "a halting period" in naval budgets.

It remains for the First Commission to confirm or disapprove by its vote the afore-mentioned proposition of Captain SCHEINE.

[blocks in formation]

[36] The PRESIDENT states that, in his personal judgment, the decision which the subcommission has reached is not very happy.

Here the Conference has almost reached the end of its labors, and the Russian propositions have been known for a long time; if the delegates have been unable to obtain precise instructions up to the present time, it surely is not likely that they will receive any during the short time remaining before the conclusion of our labors.

The solution reached in regard to the question of armaments on land would also seem to him to be the best with regard to the navy.

Mr. Bille, taking the view of Mr. BEERNAERT, gives the following explanation:

The committee which drew up the report which you have just heard realizes the fact that it may not have seemed satisfactory to you for the reason that it does not invite the First Commission to express itself for or against the Russian propositions. The fact is that in the subcommission no conclusive argument, sufficient to adopt or to reject outright the propositions of the Russian delegation, was presented.

The difficulty was encountered of fixing the naval budgets in advance for a period of three years by means of an international agreement.

We thought that this difficulty was of the kind which ought particularly to be dealt with by the Governments.

It may be that they will hesitate to pledge themselves along this line; it may also be that they will not be afraid to do so. It was for this reason that the subcommission thought it would have to confine itself to leaving the question open. If the difficulty in question were removed, which does not seem impossible to me, it would be necessary to examine more closely and elucidate more clearly the very procedure by which the Russian Government wishes to succeed in establishing those proportions between the naval budgets from which should automatically spring the limitation of expenses which is after all the purpose which everybody would like to attain.

Meanwhile, we did not wish to exclude, even if it were only out of courtesy toward the delegate from Russia, the possibility of some Governments' giving instructions before the end of the Conference; but I do not deem this eventuality probable, and I therefore do not hesitate to support the proposition just made by the honorable president.

Captain Scheine believes he is certain that several delegates do not regard it as an impossibility to reach an agreement during this Conference itself, which would be a very fortunate result. The obstacles which stand in the way of a final and immediate solution of the question are principally parliamentary and budgetary and not technical.

The President persists in believing that Mr. SCHEINE is laboring under illusions when he thinks the instructions necessary might yet arrive before the end of the Conference.

« PreviousContinue »