soldier, in order that he may never be in a state of inferiority compared with those who surround him, it is not less certain, that the possibility of a check in the increase of armament would be an economy and a source of wealth for the peoples that might subscribe to it.

Armed peace is ruinous for small States, whose needs are numerous and who have everything to gain by investing their means in the development of industry, of agriculture and the requisites of progress.

[30] It is this point of view that I take in desiring to bring away from the Conference the assurance of seeing Bulgaria increase in domestic greatness, without the anxiety for an increase of forces that the example of other nations. imposes upon her.

From the moment that the circular of his Excellency Count MOURAVIEFF was published and discussed, I often heard it said that the proposal that we are considering would be an infringement upon sovereign rights and the liberty of nations. But, since we are discussing it freely, we shall also apply it with goodwill when it shall have received its sanction in unanimity of consent.

And without having the pretension of influencing anyone, I indicate in advance my vote in order that the countries which surround mine may take note of the idea that inspires us and the practical development that we wish for our country in its moral happiness and its progress.

General den Beer Poortugael: I have to state that our honored colleague Colonel GROSS VON SCHWARZHOFF is quite mistaken in saying that I have been a defender of the proposals of Colonel GILINSKY. Of these proposals I knew not a single word until they were presented to the full Commission in our last meeting.

What I have defended is the first cause of the circular of Count MOURAVIEFF, as I have said, in a manner that cannot be misunderstood, and if I have defended it warmly, it is because it deserves it.

The delegate of Germany has said that all that I have advanced on the crushing taxes and ruinous imposts caused by the ever-increasing armament is not applicable to his country.

While felicitating him thereon, I state that I did not have in view the present conditions of things but the future. That is why I used the words: " continuing in this way," and I think that this way is always dangerous even for the richest States.

As to obligatory service, of which Colonel GROSS VON SCHWARZHOFF has spoken in the refutation that he has done me the honor to address to me, I have defended its principle for almost forty years. Like himself, I consider obligatory service or personal service a sacred and patriotic duty, but, not having mentioned that service in my speech, all that the delegate of Germany has said on that point can bear no relation to my speech.

No one asking the floor, the President declares the general discussion closed. He remarks that the objections presented would only relate to the proposals relative to the forces of land armies. The proposals of the Russian delegate as to the navy have not even yet been developed.

He asked the meeting whether it is agreeable to it to discuss the questions of detail in full committee, or whether it would not be preferable to entrust its examination either to the technical subcommissions, or to a special committee, upon which the Great Powers particularly would be represented, the solution. depending upon them alone.

Mr. Raffalovich supports the reference to the subcommissions of the two Russian proposals that have different bases.

His Excellency Sir Julian Pauncefote would prefer that a special committee be created for the examination of each proposal.

Mr. Bourgeois sees no inconvenience in the creation of this committee, but he would wish that the small States that are necessarily inclined to the maintenance of peace be represented equally thereon.

The President puts the question to a vote by a division.

It is decided to refer the Russian proposals to a technical examination by seventeen votes (United States of America, Belgium, Spain, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Serbia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, Turkey and Bulgaria) against two (Germany and AustriaHungary), with three abstentions (Denmark, Greece, Switzerland).

Mr. Raffalovich suggests charging each subcommission to constitute and form a special committee.

This motion is adopted.

The President proposes to the first subcommission that it meet immediately. (Adopted.)

The meeting adjourns.

[31]

SIXTH MEETING

JUNE 30, 1899

His Excellency Mr. Beernaert presiding.

The minutes of the meeting of June 26 are read and adopted.

Mr. Miyatovitch, first delegate of Serbia, desires to make a declaration respecting the minutes of the last meeting. He expresses himself in the following

terms:

We did not have the intention until to-day to speak on the question that is the order of the day, because we thought that it belonged to the great Powers to express themselves first on this subject.

Agreement between the great Powers would have, it seems to us, facilitated an agreement among the small ones, whilst a declaration on the part of the small States saying that they had accepted or would not accept the proposal made, would not seem to us to make any decisive contribution or to have any serious influence upon the success of the work that is uniting us here.

But, since there has already been in this Commission a sort of direct appeal to the Powers whose neighbors we are, we consider it our duty towards this high assembly and a courtesy towards the delegation that has made the appeal in question, to declare ourselves at once.

We have, therefore, the honor to declare emphatically and in all sincerity that Serbia is perhaps that country of all the world that most hopes for a long peace, one that will be uninterrupted and honorable.

The program of the Government, which its sovereign himself has outlined, and in recent times again taken up on several occasions, consists in concentrating its principal forces with a view to developing the economic resources of the country.

Acting in conformity with the pacific spirit of this program, it has, since the circular of Count MOURAVIEFF, reduced its military forces fully one-fourth. We could mention several other acts which would abundantly prove how pacific are our desires.

And we can only congratulate ourselves when we hear that a country that is a neighbor and a friend of Serbia declares, under such solemn conditions a wish to follow a policy that we ourselves are already practicing.

And our hope that we are not to be hindered in this work of ours, nor forced out of peaceful paths, is the more sincere since we love to believe that, through international peace, international justice may be attained.

We have, in short, the firm conviction that the great movement of lofty ideas, called forth through the entire world by the generous initiative of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia, while fortifying the sentiment of solidarity among civilized nations, will end by giving a decisive support to the small Powers

which in their national aspirations ask only respect for their independence, justice and equity.

And, while awaiting the arrival of that moment, we shall never fail-although we continue to bestow upon our army a legitimate solicitude-to associate ourselves heartily with all enterprises that have humane and civilizing tendencies. So it is exclusively these ideas that have inspired all our votes in the Conference. As to the concrete question of the non-augmentation of forces and fixing of military budgets, the positive instructions that we have received from our Government since the last meeting enable us now to cast a definite vote. Nevertheless, as the moment for voting has not yet arrived, we think that we should await that time before declaring our position.

The President recalls that following a decision taken in the last meeting of the Commission, the Russian proposals were referred for examination to two technical subcommissions.

The committee, charged by the first subcommission with examining the proposals of Colonel GILINSKY, met twice and after a thorough exchange of views, of which no minutes were kept, agreed on the following wording:

[32]

The members of the committee, charged with the examination of the proposals of Colonel GILINSKY relating to the first topic of Count MOURAVIEFF'S circular have met twice.

With the exception of Colonel GILINSKY, they have decided unanimously:

1. That it would be very difficult to fix, even for a term of five years, the number of troops without regulating at the same time other elements of national defense;

2. That it would be no less difficult to regulate by an international agreement the elements of this defense, organized in each country upon very different principles.

Hence, the committee regrets its inability to accept the proposition made in the name of the Russian Government. The majority of its members believe that a more thorough study of the question by the Governments themselves would be desirable.

General Zuccari states the position that the Italian Government intends to take with regard to the questions raised by the Russian proposals on forces.

The forces of the Italian army in peace are fixed by organic laws which the Italian Government does not intend to change.

The Italian Government intends to retain the same liberty of action as the other Powers since an international engagement on this matter is not now deemed possible.

The President observes that the point is to state the impossibility of arriving at a positive result immediately, but with the desire of seeing the Governments themselves take up the study of the questions raised by the first proposition of Count MOURAVIEFF'S circular. He asks if Colonel GILINSKY can support this wish.

Colonel Gilinsky replies that from the moment that the immediate understanding cannot be brought about, he considers it very desirable that the Governments should make a preliminary study.

The President asks if any member of the assembly has any other proposal to make.

Nobody asks the floor.

The President asks if there is any opposition to the conclusions expressed in the opinion of the technical committee.

He considers the silence of the assembly as a complete adhesion and believes that under the circumstances he need not call for any votes. In short, there is no resolution to be taken and the committee does not even ask for a study together. For the moment, it is for each country to await a preliminary and more thorough study. (Numerous indications of consent.)

Baron Bildt, first delegate of Sweden and Norway, makes the following declaration:

I venture to say that in no country have the Russian proposals been received with a more spontaneous and more sincere sympathy than in Sweden and Norway. Profoundly convinced of the necessity of peace, we have for nearly a century pursued a policy which looks to nothing but the maintenance of good relations with other Powers, and our military establishments have always had only one object: the protection of our independence and the maintenance of neutrality. A message of peace, having in view a limitation of the armaments which now weigh heavily upon the world, could not be otherwise than welcome to us, and it could not come from any better source than our powerful neighbor. If, notwithstanding this, we have not been able to support the proposals advanced by Colonel GILINSKY, it is not because we have not had the same desire as he as to the question of what is to be done, but because we are blocked by an important question of form.

The Russian proposals, in short, make no difference between armies already organized according to the principles of modern military science, and those which are still governed by former conditions, even superannuated ones, or those which are in process of transformation.

They make no distinction, moreover, between armies that constitute a complete military weapon, equally adapted to attack or defense, and those which either by the short duration of service, or by other distinctive qualities, manifestly show that they have merely a defensive character. This is precisely the case with the Swedish and Norwegian armies, organized on the basis of obligatory service of a few months and being in a state of transformation.

When I shall have mentioned that the greater number of units of the Swedish army rest on a system dating two centuries ago, I shall, I think, have said enough to convince you that this is not an organization that we could engage to maintain even for five years.

We have, therefore, not been able to vote for the Russian proposal as it has been formulated, and I state this fact with sincere regret—I will say morewith genuine sorrow. For, gentlemen, we are about to terminate our labors recognizing that we have been confronted with one of the most important problems of the century, and that we have accomplished very little towards its solution.

[33] Let us not indulge in illusions.

When the results of our deliberations shall become known, there will arise, notwithstanding all that has been done for arbitration, the Red Cross, etc., a great cry: It is not enough!

And this cry: "It is not enough," most of us in our consciences will acknowledge to be just. Our consciences, it is true, may also tell us in consolation, that we have done our duty, since we have faithfully followed our instruc