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American Federation of Labor, the United States. Chamber of Commerce, the League of Women Voters, the American Legion, the Federation of Women's Clubs, the League for the Protection of American. Liberties, the Citizens Union, city clubs, and a thousand and one bodies of a similar character may be cited, however, as examples of the phenomenon. In all of them there is a dynamic nucleus of determined men or women who know what they want and are resolved to get it. Around this driving force is gathered a group of adherents, some fanatically attached to the cause, others less so, gradually shading off into those who, although apathetic to the movement per se, are supporting the organization for this or that reason.

With this group of votes always at their disposal, the leaders of the association proceed to bargain, and just as a district leader uses the strength of his constituency to advance his personal fortunes, so the strength of the "pressure group" is used to advance the fortunes of its cause. It should be remembered, however, that the strength of a "pressure group" does not depend entirely upon its immediate voting power, but depends also upon the strategic position the organization occupies in relation to the formation of public opinion; that is, a "pressure group" such as a chamber of commerce has a strength greatly beyond its numerical membership; its financial resources, its control (through its membership) of the local press, and its respected position in society, all combine greatly to extend the scope of its influence. The Anti

Saloon League also occupies an advantageous position, since it has access to practically every evangelical pulpit in the country.

The tactics of the last-mentioned organization may well serve to illustrate the technique of the "pressure group" in its most highly developed form. Aside from the activity that was needed to raise money, the energies of the League have been confined to three channels-propagandizing, lobbying, and campaigning. The evils of intemperance and the iniquities of the saloon were set forth so often in many localities that sheer repetition converted many whom reason could not reach. In their "educational" work, however, they differed not a whit from numerous rival propaganda agencies.

It was in effectively organizing their adherents to exert pressure upon the legislatures and party organizations that the Anti-Saloon League won its right to be called the foremost "pressure group" of the country. By maintaining lobbyists at vital points the League not only placed at the disposal of the "drys" in official position the advice of master tacticians, but maintained a "whip" to rally the adherents of the dry cause in times of crisis. Whenever "dry" legislation was in danger, or a forward thrust was to be made, there would descend upon the legislators under the able guidance of the "whip," a flood of postal cards, letters and telegrams sufficient to call to the attention of even the wettest of the wet the fact that there were among

his constituents a considerable number of voters vitally interested in prohibition.

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Such tactics are common to all "pressure groups,' although the skill of the lobbyists and the popular sentiment they can rally vary exceedingly. The very presentation of a cause to the legislature in itself guarantees that the issue will receive greater consideration than it otherwise would, and popular clamor through post card and telegram undoubtedly causes many a legislator to consider carefully the political consequences of his decision, and very often to yield to the side he believes to be supported by public opinion.

In active campaigning, in swinging votes to or from particular candidates, the Anti-Saloon League has developed its technique beyond that of the usual "pressure group." Here and there, wherever there was the slightest chance of success, the strength of the Anti-Saloon League was thrown. It was not always possible to secure a wet and dry issue, but in all cases the candidate who was least moist received the assistance of the League. Thus by lending its support to this party and that, extracting concessions wherever possible, the League was finally able to change the complexion of our legislative bodies and ultimately to secure the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment.

The older practice of confining the fight to one political party, and by a series of compromises finally

writing a plank into the party platform, has been somewhat eclipsed by this newer method which fights on all fronts at once. And although this second method of presenting issues to the public does not preclude the use of the first, i. e., independent activity within a party organization, nevertheless it must be admitted that as means of advancing issues which the major parties attempt to avoid, the "pressure groups" have been found to be very efficient and will probably be resorted to more and more.

This, then, is the sum of the whole matter; independence within party councils, and independent voting, will go a long way toward making the parties function once again; but as long as they refuse to do so it is possible to advance issues through the activity of "pressure groups."

Suggested Reading

Merriam, Charles E. The American Party System. (1922)

Brooks, Robert C. Political Parties and Electoral Problems. (1923)

Ray, P. Orman. An Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics. (1922)

CHAPTER IV

THE PERSISTENCE OF THE MAJOR

PARTIES

Wherein lies the explanation of the persistence of our two major parties? Is there a fundamental difference between them? That they do not take sides upon all important questions has already been indicated. But is there a fundamental cleavage paramount to the issues neglected? The majority of our people without question accept the theory that such is the case. Just what the difference is, however, has not been settled. There are those who maintain that men are by nature progressive or conservative, and that the factor of temperament is all-important in determining party alignment. According to this theory, one party attracts all the venturesome; the other, all those who prefer the status quo. Unfortunately for the explanation, however, an examination of the existing party alignment reveals a progressive and conservative wing in both parties. The Republican party, as one journalist picturesquely put it, is composed of cavalry and artillery. The former, led

1 Hard, William, Democratic Infantry, New York Nation, June 18, 1924.

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