are bound up with the fortunes of nationalism, since it is only in communities unified by national feeling that genuine self-government is possible" (page 240).

DAVID S. MUZZEY.

The Patrimony of the Roman Church in the Time of Gregory the Great. By EDWARD SPEARING. London, Cambridge University Press, 1918.-xix, 147 pp.

This little book, the author of which gave his life upon a battlefield in France in 1916, is based upon a study of the letters of Gregory the Great and upon the treatises of Ewald, Borgia, Zaccaria, Hartmann and Grisar. After an introductory statement of the importance of the patrimony as the foundation of the material greatness of the medieval papacy, in that it enabled the pope to become a powerful independent ruler, twenty pages are devoted to a discussion of the growth and extent of patrimony under Gregory the Great. It is shown that while the Christian Church in Rome had acquired considerable wealth in the early days, the acquisition of great estates by the church dates from the legalization by the Emperor Constantine of gifts of property to it. Roman nobles who had embraced Christianity made enormous donations to the church, especially during the fifth century, and these were further increased by imperial bounties. Patrimony was also augmented by a "small but continuous stream of goods and estates" of deceased church dignitaries, monks and slaves (page 4). Of these three sources, the gifts from the faithful nobles were by far the most important. The estates were widely distributed, but for administrative purposes they were grouped together to form large territories such as those of Italy, Sicily, Illyria, Gaul and Africa.

Following a brief discussion of the various patrimonies, of which that of Sicily was the most important, the second chapter deals with the government or general system of administration. Papal administration of the patrimony was largely imperialistic in character. The pope as an absolute monarch was comparable with the emperor, "the rectors with the provincial governors, while the Church, like the State, possessed its defensors, notaries, and courts of justice" (page 21). Considerable detail is given to the appointment, powers and duties of these officials. Of especial importance is the discussion of the efforts of the church to build up a system of organized poor relief in connection with the administration of the various patrimonies.

In the third chapter a rather detailed explanation is given of the internal organization of each patrimony, but of greater import is the

light thrown upon the prevailing social customs and conditions of the time. The account of the relation of the various classes of peoples to each other and to the papacy, will be of value to any one who seeks to learn something of the way in which the people of that time lived. The author's treatment of the attitude of the church toward slavery and the Jews is most laudable.

In the fourth chapter, "Relations with the State", the author makes no attempt to deal in any general manner with the relations of church and state. He makes but brief mention of the attitude of the officials of the patrimony toward the state as shown by the letters of Gregory, which are conceded to be the only reliable source of information on the subject. His statement that the patrimonial officials pursued a policy of "watchful independence" is well made. They had as little intercourse as possible with the imperial officials, but in such intercourse they exercised tact and fairness. That the state officials were extortionate and oppressive was largely attributable to the decadence of the imperial system of administration.

The last two chapters deal with the collection of the revenue of the patrimony and its expenditure. The excellence of its fiscal system, the author shows, enabled the church to perform many of the functions of a modern banking institution. A great part of its income was used poor relief and various other charitable purposes. Surely the church in the sixth century was more conscious of its duties than in the succeeding ages.

for

This monograph is a valuable work, not only for its account of the origin and organization of the patrimony of the Roman Church, but also for the insight which it gives into general conditions in Italy during the fifth and sixth centuries. The state of society, the effort of the church in organizing a system of poor relief, the land-holding system and the fiscal methods of the time, the relation of the church to the decaying Byzantine Empire, the incompetency and rapacity of the imperial officials, the miserable inefficiency of the imperial government as compared with the smooth and efficient workings of the papal administration, the beginning of civic independence and the foreshadowing of the coming feudalism—all these subjects are treated in a manner that is most interesting and that proves the author's scholarly knowledge. In addition to a copy of a deed of gift of property to the church, the work is provided with a brief bibliographical note and an excellent index. HARRY J. CARMAN.

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.

Trade Unionism in the United States. By ROBERT F. HOXIE. New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1917.-xxxvii, 426 pp.

This posthumous work consists chiefly of the notes used and lectures delivered by Professor Hoxie during his last year of teaching at the University of Chicago, supplemented by a number of his published papers. Altogether, the book is a surprisingly complete presentation, although naturally some aspects of the subject are less fully dealt with than would have been the case if the author had lived to write the book.

The most important parts of the book are chapters ii-vi, in which the author's "Theory of Functional Trade Union Types" is set forth. In chapters ii and iii, the theory is expounded; in chapter iv, historical evidence of its truth is submitted, and in chapters v and vi, a classification of existing unions into groups on the basis of the theory is attempted. Professor Hoxie distinguishes four union types-business unionism, friendly or uplift unionism, revolutionary unionism and predatory unionism. He believes that through such a classification more knowledge of trade unionism is gained than through classifications based on structure, which have been the usual starting points of previous writers.

The essence of his contention is that these functional types represent genetic forms of group psychology-abiding reactions to the wage system and not mere temporary aberrations from a single type. There is no doubt that at the time Professor Hoxie wrote, his classification furnished a good working basis for a descriptive account of American trade unions. But his theory goes much farther than this and asserts that the other forms are not mere temporary variations of that type— business unionism-which other students have regarded as normal. Obviously, the defence of this position must be found in the history of trade unionism. The chapter entitled "A Brief Historical Review", in which the author has attempted to "assemble enough evidence of this character for the practical testing of our thesis . . .", is far from convincing. As Mr. E. H. Downey discriminatingly remarks in his very able Introduction to the volume: "This view of unionism whether as interpretation or as genetic account, wants definite verification."

Even, however, if the author's "Theory of Functional Trade Union Types" does not prove to be true in the extended sense in which he believed it to be true, his contribution will still remain important, for his clear and definitive descriptions of certain forms of trade unionism are by all odds the best in the literature of the subject. There are

also other excellent chapters in the book-notably that entitled "The Leaders and the Rank and File".

The whole book breathes a spirit of such openmindedness and candor and gives evidence of such penetrating insight that one lays it down with heightened regret for the untimely death of the author and a renewed sense of the great loss suffered by economic science. All students of trade unionism will be glad to have even this incomplete record of the results which the author had obtained and also the indications of the lines along which he had planned his future work. GEORGE E. BARNETT.

THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY.

BOOK NOTES

The immemorial desire for permanent international peace, quickened by the unprecedented and incalculable cost of the recent war, has not only produced many plans for the better organization of the world, but has also stimulated the study of earlier efforts to solve the same problem. The most complete and, in many respects, the best review of these efforts is that given us by a Dutch jurist, Dr. Jacob ter Meulen: Der Gedanke der internationalen Organisation in seiner Entwickelung, 1300-1800 (The Hague, Nijhoff, 1917; xi, 397 pp.). The bulk of the book (pages 101-339) is devoted to an analysis of thirty more or less detailed projects, from that of Pierre Dubois (1306) to that of Immanuel Kant (1795). Twenty of these plans were formulated in the 18th century. Dr. ter Meulen's summary of each plan is preceded by biographical data regarding its author. It is interesting to note that the majority of the authors were not primarily philosophers, scholars or literary men, but men of affairs. Even if we reject Sully's statement that his scheme was devised by Henry IV, the list still contains a king, a pope, several other statesmen, half a dozen jurists and two or three military men. A historical introduction of a hundred pages reviews the development of "the international idea", and a brief closing section is devoted to a comparison of the various schemes. One is impressed by the fact that many features of twentieth-century plans and even of the covenant recently framed at Paris, can be found in one or another of the projects formulated centuries ago.

In all projects for abolishing war or diminishing its frequency by international agreements, the most difficult question is that of sanctions, of the penalties to be imposed upon the state that disregards its pledges. The penalties proposed have ranged from general disapproval to joint military action. The one sanction that does not seem to have been suggested before the nineteenth century is the international boycott. Of this method of coercion, Dr. Heinrich Lammasch, the well-known Austrian jurist, has been, if not the first proposer, at least one of the most urgent advocates. In the concluding chapter of his latest book, Das Völkerrecht nach dem Kriege (Publications de l'Institut Nobel norvegien, vol. iii, 1917; 218 pp.), he develops his plan fully and clearly, appending a formal draft of an international covenant. Dr. Lammasch does not propose to enforce