draft should, indeed, create merely a league of combined power, it would only codify old selfishness and jealousies and contempt for treaty provisions. The advocates of a league are right in pleading that the Monroe Doctrine and national constitutional provisions are not the main things in this tremendous worldwide reform; its opponents are right in demanding that there shall be sharply pointed out what parts of constitutions and political doctrines will be changed and what parts will be left untouched. But the latter are never right in resisting a league of nations because they believe their nation strong enough to secure its own national interests without joining in international cooperation. This was the belief of Germany, as expressed in the bold address of Colonel von Gross von Schwarzhoff, at the first Hague peace conference of 1899. Nor are they ever right in saying that they desire international peace, while at the same time opposing all steps in the direction of international organization.

The ugly feature of the dilemma is that the millions of mankind will be aware of mistakes only after it is too late. One can arouse their interest in the idea of a league of nations; President Wilson has unquestionably done much along this line. One can submit to public opinion the scope of a proposed league, its main aims, its checks and balances. But one cannot submit to the judgment of the millions the question whether certain legal provisions are adequate to the solution of the international problems which they are intended to solve. Those who are now (May, 1919) drafting the provisions of the covenant are responsible to their constituents, and heavy will their responsibility be if their draft proves to be an instrument of nationalism and greedy power rather than of peace and justice. In order to help prevent this fatal outcome, the Law Faculty of the University of Leyden proposed in February, 1919, to like faculties in Denmark, Holland, Norway, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland to formulate constructive amendments to the Paris draft in order the better to assure the objects of international justice and impartial cooperation.

V

But whence, if Dutch suggestions should prevail, would a real league of nations procure the "international-minded" judges, statesmen, military and naval officers, who are essential to its success? The present generation, educated in nationalism, will scarcely reach the broader and higher view of international politics. Internationalism must be learned and practiced. The Hague Academy of International Law, established as an international body in January, 1914, in compliance with a wish of the second peace conference, but not yet opened because of the war, has the high aim of raising the education of diplomatists, lawyers, military and naval officers and others to this new and broader plane. Holland would be glad to open the academy and to promote its endeavors.

Did the Netherlands herself set the example? Has she already had occasion to show her impartial spirit? Such a spirit would be consistent with the international traditions of the great Dutch Republic of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Dutch Republic was powerful enough to render herself redoubtable, to menace other nations, yet she never did so. She never sought aggrandizement. The spirit of militarism was alien to her, and she respected the life of other nations as she wished to see her own life respected.

During the present war, the press and public opinion in Holland have done their utmost to learn and to make known the truth on both sides, to be just not only to the Allied nations with whom they sympathized, but also to the Central Powers. Foreigners from both sides who spent some time in Holland during the war acknowledged that their sojourn had rendered their judgment more impartial because of honest information.

In January, 1918, a large group of influential Dutch representatives of commerce, industry, navigation and science established, opposite The Hague Peace Palace, an "International Intermediary Institute ", in order to furnish gratuitously full information on international questions of law and economics to citizens of any country or colony. It was intended as a modest manifestation of Holland's genuine interest in the international developments of the near future.

As soon as the Paris Peace Conference had convened, several small nations made haste to present their claims and desires. But the democratic Dutch nation felt too proud, much too proud, to hold out to the conference a beggar's bowl, and its pride was supported by the profound conviction that, for the benefit of all mankind, the era of national greed and national egoism must be closed.

C. VAN VOLLENHOVEN.

UNIVERSITY OF Leyden.

THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE II'

HE possibilities of investigation suggested by a survey

TH

of the process by which the world at large has become Europeanized, are neither so novel nor so interesting and important as those involved in a study of the reaction of its expansion upon the life and thought of Europe itself. For this reason the amount of space devoted to the reverse, or "homeward", movement of expansion must be proportionately greater.

No one, of course, would deny that the Crusades had a variety of effects upon the European countries participating in those feeble attempts at expansion in medieval times. But to affirm that the migration of the European and the diffusion of his civilization during the past five hundred years-the New Crusade whose field of action, instead of the narrow basin of the Mediterranean, has been the entire earth-have been productive of tremendous consequences for Europe, is an idea as yet so faintly apprehended that it requires demonstration at length before its tenability is likely to be granted. On the other hand, one will readily admit that what has happened to the European at home, as a result of what he has done abroad, is intrinsically more interesting than what has occurred to nonEuropean lands and peoples in consequence of his activities among them. The changes, moreover, wrought in European conditions by the process of expansion overseas possess in themselves an importance transcending any that could attach to the effects of that process upon non-Europeans alone. And this is true precisely because it has been the European who has accomplished the mighty task of revolutionizing the world in accordance with his own ideas and institutions. Whether the ultimate effects of the expansion of Europe upon peoples not of European stock will prove to be more significant for the future of the human race as a whole than the course of reaction

1 Continued from the POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, vol. xxxiv, pp. 43-60.

on Europe itself has been, is quite another question. For the present, at least, Europe is the centre of attention.

Out of the New Worlds in the West and East the achievements of the European have brought forth a New Europe that has continued to speak the languages and cherish the traditions and customs of the former home, that has sought to be freer, richer, more tolerant, less tied to ancient prejudices, more open to progress, and that has served accordingly to influence Old Europe in every phase of its existence. New things have been found, new forms of society created, new kinds of industry devised, new fields of commerce opened up, new opportunities for financial operations discovered, new ideas and new departments of knowledge made manifest and new concepts of national and international welfare evolved, all of which could not fail profoundly to affect Europe itself. Ancient civilizations aroused and energized, primitive beliefs and practices cast into modern moulds by the impact of the European, have yielded to him in return many a treasure, material and mental, by which his life and thought have become vastly enriched and diversified. From all that expansion has evoked in spirit and attainment— the zest of enterprise, eagerness for adventure, fame, wealth, new scenes and new homes, new places on the earth where a greater comfort and happiness might be assured, the introduction of the unknown and an increased use of the known-from its contact, in a word, with new lands and new peoples in America, Asia, Africa and the isles of the sea, Europe has derived new impulses and new developments.'

Although the general thesis of "the reaction on European life and thought", as exemplifying the "homeward" movement of expansion, may be stated in this form, even greater precaution must be observed in handling it than when dealing with "the transit of European ideas and institutions" as illustrative of the "outward" movement. For, in a field of inquiry so much less worked, preconceived theories are all the more prone to stimulate an exuberant imagination that will conjure up assumptions and not a scientific consciousness that will strive to

1 Alfred Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisation Française (ed. 1911), I, p. 467.