title indicates. He has made a valuable contribution to the history of trade unionism in San Francisco, not only in the industries mentioned in the title but in other trades and occupations as well. For the most part, however, his discussion of current policies is confined to the four groups of unions, taking these as typical of all.

Only four years after the publication of the third edition, Professor Charles Gide has found that a new edition of his textbook on economics was called for. He has taken advantage of the present situation to include some new chapters called forth by the war, and has now expanded his work into two volumes, of which the first has just appeared under the title of Cours d'Économie Politique, Tome I (Paris, Léon Tenin, 1918; 600 pp.). The many admirers of Professor Gide will be glad to have the standard work in this new form.

Mr. John Hedley Higginson's Tariffs at Work: An Outline of Practical Tariff Administration, with Special Reference to the United States and Canada (London, P. S. King and Son, 1913; xiv, 136 pp.), is an informing and peculiarly serviceable book. To some extent it is general in character; but it embodies the results of special and manifestly careful investigations in Washington and New York, and also in Ottawa and Montreal, undertaken by Mr. Higginson as Mitchell Student of the London School of Economics and Political Science. There is no lack of histories of the tariffs of the United States and of Canada, but in most of them emphasis is laid on tariff propaganda and the enactment of tariffs by Congress and by the parliament at Ottawa. The diplomatic aspects of tariff-making easily and naturally come within the scope of Mr. Higginson's work. Otherwise it is concerned exclusively with the several types of tariffs, with the conditions which account for the development of these types and with the administration of tariff laws. Ten years ago it was remarked by a historian of Canadian tariffs that tariffs were framed and enacted by politicians who did not know the difference between a blast furnace and a brewery. Mr. Higginson's observation does not afford corroboration of this charge. In appendices, past and present tariff administration in Great Britain is compared, and there is a note on the origin of the bonded warehouse system. The book is interesting and clearly written. It has one other advantage from the point of view of teachers of tariff history. It is a book of not more than twenty-six thousand words which students who are working on tariff history and tariff economy can be required to read.

President Kerr D. Macmillan's Protestantism in Germany (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1917; vii, 282 pp.), which contains

the Stone Lectures delivered at Princeton Theological Seminary in 1916-1917, is an interesting and instructive account of the relation of church and state in Germany since the Reformation. The study is based largely on secondary sources and in some points there is an undue reliance upon antiquated authorities, but, on the whole, the lectures are sound and discriminating, less so where they deal with the Reformation than with later periods. As might, perhaps, be expected, the author has a decided penchant for Calvinism and frequently contrasts it with Lutheranism to the disparagement of the latter. Indeed, he shows scant sympathy with the German ecclesiastical system at any point. The emphasis laid upon the many evil effects of the territorial régime is not misplaced, though it is exaggerated. To one trained in the American tradition, the separation of church and state is an elementary political axiom, and an ecclesiastical establishment can hardly fail to seem the fruitful mother of evils that are often not felt as evils by those who have grown up with them. In spite of his unsparing condemnation of these evils, the author has been laudably reticent in refraining, so far as the reviewer has observed, from attributing the blame for all that is worst in the Prussianism of today to the Prussian Church, the institution to which he happens to be devoting the greater part of his book. He is also to be commended for not making the book a mere anti-Prussian tract. The temptation must have been great, as the preface shows, and that he has not yielded to it is enough to mark with distinction an American book published, if not written, after America and Germany were already at war.

The third edition of Warner's American Charities (New York, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1919; xxii, 541 pp.) is the second revision it has received at the sympathetic hands of the author's one-time pupil, Mary Roberts Coolidge. Mrs. Coolidge has carried out her undertaking conscientiously, as she did in her first revision ten years ago. She has industriously examined a vast accumulation of printed material and has used it, for the most part, with appreciation of its value and significance. She has tried "not to alter the distinctive color" of Dr. Warner's book, and has evidently sought to keep her own personality out of it and to make her contribution as objective as possible. The 25,000 words of new matter, however, together with the "substitution of more recent figures and illustrations," have inevitably obscured "Warner" to such an extent that the resulting volume reads more like a painstaking and creditable compilation than like the ripe fruits of years of thought and personal experience in the field that is covered. Of course, a good brief might be made out for

the belief that Dr. Warner himself would have resisted any proposal of his publishers in 1918 to revise his book of 1894 and would instead have written a new book which would have included the newer forms of social work, for without them it is hardly possible to understand American charities" of today. It is hardly conceivable that he would still have seen his subject within the limits or bounded by the same outlines which it had a quarter of a century ago. The first edition of Warner's American Charities remains a classic; the third edition cannot replace it, nor does it fill the place in 1919 which the original book held in 1894. The publishers would have shown truer appreciation of Dr. Warner's contribution if they had reprinted the original volume and had asked Mrs. Coolidge to write a book of her Zeal for bringing details up to date has betrayed Mrs. Coolidge into a conspicuous and unfortunate mistake. In the "revised" dedication she inserts a middle initial "M." in the name of John Glenn and identifies the present director of the Russell Sage Foundation with his uncle, who was chairman of the executive committee of the Charity Organization Society of Baltimore during Dr. Warner's connection with it and when he wrote his book.

own.

war.

Only three, or at the most four, of the nine subjects on which the late Lord Redesdale wrote in his Further Memories (New York, E. P. Dutton and Company, 1918; xvi, 311 pp.) are such as fall within the purview of the POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY. These are the Paris Commune, a comparison between Queen Maria Theresa and Queen Victoria, the history of the Wallace Art Collection and the history of Russia from the opening years of the nineteenth century to the great The article on Russia extends to nearly sixty pages. It is the most valuable paper in the Memories. Redesdale knew Russia well, and embodied in the sketch is much material that he gathered at first hand from sources that were open peculiarly to him. The story of the emancipation of the serfs is retold with much freshness. Some new light is thrown on the attitude of Russia toward the seizure of the Danish provinces by Germany, and in the paper on Russia is to be found the best biographical sketch that is available of Sir John Fiennes Crampton, who was a member of the British mission at Washington from 1845 to 1856. Crampton left Washington under a cloud because of his activity in recruiting in the United States for service with the British forces in the Crimea. This episode, which has had due attention in biographies of Crampton, is recalled by Redesdale; but Redesdale, like all the other writers on Crampton's career, overlooked one distinct and memorable service that he rendered to the empire while

at Washington. Crampton was there in 1849 when Hamilton Merritt, of Upper Canada, was sent from Montreal as an extraofficial commissioner to negotiate for reciprocity. Crampton associated himself most cordially with Merritt's mission. He was thus the first British diplomat to help the oversea dominions to the almost complete diplomatic freedom that was gradually conferred upon them between 1848 and 1907. In these after-war days, when recognition is slowly coming to the men who helped the dominions to the status of nationality within the empire, a well-drawn sketch of Crampton by a colleague in the diplomatic service has a value that is obvious.

Owing to somewhat prevalent habits among those who would change the settled order of things, we are apt to think of a "demagogue" as a person who necessarily advances positions which the conservative element of the community does not welcome. Mr. Harry F. Atwood, however, unconsciously reminds the readers of his Back to the Republic (Chicago, Laird and Lee, 1918; xi, 154 pp.) that the word properly connotes only a method of advocacy and does not necessarily convey any intimation as to the character of the proposals advocated. The volume is a perfervid appeal to abandon the dangerous experiments of popular election of any officials but legislators and chief executives, of vesting powers in administrative commissions and of enacting legislation by the initiative and referendum. Our parlous situation is graphically portrayed in the last two paragraphs of the chapter on "Dangerous Experiments." "Unfortunately, a very large proportion of our public officials during the past twenty-five years have been demagogues who have had little concept of the meaning of a Republic. They have substituted personality for principle, preachments for practice, pretense for performance, agitation for achievement, invective for ingenuity, experiment for execution, rashness for restraint, rhetoric for results and coercion for the Constitution." The importance of the author's contribution may be inferred from the tribute on the jacket from Dr. David Jane Hill: "The position taken by Mr. Atwood is fundamentally right, and the subject is of great importance at this time. The National Association for Constitutional Government takes substantially the position that Mr. Atwood does regarding the Republic as the only permanent safe form of human government."'