Two months later, while standing up to his full height in the middle of a kneeling file of men out on the firing line, dressed all in white, a giant figure that was a target for every hostile marksman, a bullet plunged into his heart, and, with a single gasp, the great soldier was gone. Think of the message he sends ringing into the ears of the Anti-Imperialists here at home! "If I am shot by a Filipino bullet, it might as well come from one of my own men!"

Here is another light on the present situation. It comes from one in whose proven bravery and dash the American people have cause fór just pride. I think that the following extract from an address made before the Marquette Club, in Chicago, on the 11th of March, 1902, taken in conjunction with the evidence over which we have already gone, proves that the insurrection in the Philippines would probably have ended long before it did, if we could only have kept the Anti-Imperialists quiet at home:

"Had it not been," said Gen. Funston, "for the so-called peace-party in the States, the insurrection would have been suppressed finally in January, 1900. Since that time 600 lives have been sacrificed and millions of dollars have been spent. Were it not for the hope of the few leaders still under

arms that the United States is on the verge of a civil war in their behalf all resistance would be at an end.

The responsibility for the continuance of the resistance to our army should be placed where it is due. From the lips of Aguinaldo himself and from other leaders of the insurrection, I know that for the last two years they have been encouraged to shoot down our men and continue their warfare by the copperhead sentiments of people here in the States.*

That testimony of Gen. Funston is certainly in line with Agoncillo's statement that "taking into consideration the present conditions of affairs, the political tactics of (Aguinaldo's) our government must be the following: Ist: To prolong the war as much as possible . and to foment the actions of the Democratic party in the United States, which advocates our independence. I am doing this in the way it seems fitting to me."

I believe the indictment is complete. I think the chain is a whole one. I believe every link is there, and, if so, then, unless all this testimony is false, unless John Barrett, Gen. Lawton, Gen. Funston, Admiral Dewey, Gens. Otis, MacArthur, Anderson, Hale, and Col. Smith and Col. Summers have delib* Italics are by me.-F. C. C.

erately misstated-then the Anti-Imperialists should be charged with the lives of many an American soldier. If the foregoing statements are true, and I believe they are, there is no escape from such a conclusion.

Then it is wrong! Then it is wicked! Then it is a crime!-because it encourages an enemy to shoot down an American soldier.

CHAPTER X

NO SOLDIERS AMONG ANTI-IM

PERIALISTS

WHEN I first began to collect the material for this work, now over two years ago, I was puzzled to find an explanation of how it was that these Anti-Imperialists could not see what was perfectly evident to our soldiers, that, by encouraging the enemy, the Anti-Imperialists were striking our soldiers "a blow from behind,”—and it is only recently that I have found a reason that is satisfactory to my mind. Just as I was about giving up discovering a reasonable solution of the problem, the idea struck me all of a sudden that only those who had never been American soldiers would stab them in the back and, apparently, not know that any blow had been struck. It must be ignorance of the soldier's life.

A hasty glance through a list of the officers of the Anti-Imperialists showed me that the New England Anti-Imperialist League had a president, a

treasurer, secretary and an executive committee of four; in all, seven active officers. Among these there was not a single old soldier and I believe every one of the seven was an able-bodied man at the time of the Rebellion. Then I counted up and I found that they had 32 vice-presidents, and in that list of 32 there were, as near as I could ascertain (and I looked them up as far as I have been able in the limited time at my disposition) just two old soldiers, neither one of whom had carried a musket, -both had been commissioned officers, so that of the 39 officers of the league, there were two soldiers. It began to look as if I had the right explanation at last!

Then I went farther. I visited the library of the most prominent newspaper in Boston,-one that gave the Anti-Imperialists more space than any other, and I hunted up the accounts of the nine public meetings the Anti-Imperialists had had,— eight in Boston and one in Cambridge. In these accounts of these meetings, I found the mention of just 203 names of men who sat on the platform, presided, made speeches, wrote letters, offered resolutions, were officers of the organization or were noticed in the audience. Among these 203 there