It placed labor also in the same exposed position as any of the other great American private associations charged with public responsibilities, responsibilities for the welfare and improvement of the members of the union certainly; responsibilities for the welfare and improvement in the circumstances of all working people; responsibilities for cooperation in the development and prosperity of modern industry; responsibilities to the whole people of the United States for sound intelligent economic social, political and moral practices, and for the selection of leaders and officers who are trusted, not only by their members but by the Government, by employers and by the people of the United States. also responsibilities to avoid excesses of action and to regard the rights of others, whether in agreement or not, considerately. And The private affairs and activities and services, the public attitudes and the private methods of trade-unions are today matters of public interest and significance, the prohibition by law of the use of injunction-once abused-has also relieved trade-unions of another form of discrimination because of this new status with legal protection. Collective bargaining procedures, strikes, trade-union functions, internal trade-union affairs and politics, become the subject of discussion in the press, on the radio, and in the open forum. This, of course, is because trade-unionism is no longer in swadling clothes, but is an important American institution functioning in a field of great importance to all of the people. Its affairs are therefore public property and it must expect to be judged as other institutions are judged. Trade-unions will now be kept constantly under what we may term social surveillance as other American institutions have been kept and whatever secrecy or veil may have been effective in the early days when the union and its members were struggling to survive is certainly no longer effective. The American public inevitably demands of these American institutions certain standards, some of them very old and simple. First and foremost, perhaps, the public expects its service institutions to exercise the utmost order and exemplary procedure in handling other peoples' money. The scrupulous accounting for money, regular independent and public audits of all moneys, including insurance funds, dues, assessments, and so forth, is bound to be expected and it should be done voluntarily by the trade-unions rather than under compulsion. With the trade-union basic right protected by statute, surely no moneys need be expended except as authorized by the membership and for purposes which can be stated in a public accounting without embarrassment. Many unions have long had this procedure and are to be congratulated on modern business methods. The public also expects of its institutions that no individuals shall gain at the expense of the public, and that no funds will be sidetracked into the pockets of those whose activities serve either their personal greed or antisocial purpose. The public expects that such institutions will have constitutions and bylaws and that these shall be well known and explicitly followed. The public expects that all labor organizations, like any other free association, will be conducted according to its rules and constitution; that it shall be operated in a sensible, parliamentary way by and for the membership generally. The public expects the officers of trade-unions to be chosen by the membership in the fairest and most open way. For the most part the public believes that these unions have been wise who have by their own bylaws required American citizenship for all officers. Of course, the Secretary made no reference to prohibiting political contributions by labor unions. At that time, naturally this was a tender subject within the administration. However, since that time developments have proven an unwisdom both from a political party and a labor union standpoint of such contributions. The source of much of the national trouble today in the coal strike situation is that ill-advised political contribution of another day. If the provision of my bill against such an activity has been in force when that contribution was made, the Nation, the administration, and the labor unions would be better off. I think frank politicians, labor union leaders, and certainly the public, will admit this fact. Let me advert again momentarily to another thing Secretary Perkins said. She referred to the freedom of American labor in these words: Never before has labor in any nation in the world enjoyed the status and the blessings which American labor has today, and as we look at the plight of fellow workers in other parts of the world, we may well thank God for what has grown out of this society of mutual trust and a trust in God which we call our great United States of America. And here are the excerpts from the Secretary of Labor on H. R. 1483, and I will just include those in the record. We have had those before, her adverse report on this bill. (The excerpts referred to follow:) EXCERPTS FROM SECRETARY OF LABOR ON H. R. 1483 This bill contains several features which I regard as ill-advised. The informa tion concerning its financial condition and the state of its membership which this bill would require a union to file would become available to employers and rival unions alike during industrial or interunion disputes. A labor union on the occasions when it is involved in controversy with employers would reveal its financial strength and thereby indicate the extent of its bargaining power. No similar requirement is imposed upon trade associations which occupy positions analogous to labor organizations. They are not required to register or make public the nature of their internal organization and finances. In addition, the penalties for failure to file the required data would disqualify any union from acting as representative of the employees in collective bargaining. This would penalize all members of the organization for the failure of its officers to comply with the act's requirements rather than limiting the penalty to those individuals who committed the offense. Section 4, which makes unlawful contributions in connection with elections appears to single out labor organizations but not professional trade or other associations which occupy analogous positions. Furthermore, although the term "contribution" presumably means a financial contribution, it appears open to an interpretation which might well prevent advocacy of a candidate by a labor organization. I think the question of organization and responsibility of labor organizations in performing their public functions is not one which can be solved by general legislative command. It should come about through enlightend self-discipline and the realization of the responsibility which comes from the important part which labor unions now play in the community. Mr. LANDIS. Then I have a page and a half here on the subject that labor is too far apart and both sides will have to give and take to get the ideal situation. Both sides will have to get together. Mr. SCANLON. Do you want to include that in the record? Mr. LANDIS. I would include that in the record, yes. (The subject matter referred to follows:) America is made up of individuals where every man is an independent unit, who works from choice with all other Americans for the good of all. We will get the job done with teamwork. We learned the value of teamwork from our pioneer ancestors. They worked together in their corn-husking bees and threshing rings. Our armed forces are demonstrating American teamwork on the fighting fronts to the highest degree. Thousands of war plants are participating in teamwork production. Americans, using their heritage and experience in teamwork, can outproduce any economy devised by dictators or bureaucrats. The American people fully realize that this approach will be needed after the military victory is won and when the time comes to write the peace. America has all that it takes in natural resources, trained labor, trained managers, and productive resources to carry on. The American system of free competition and private enterprise is the only one that has stood the test of time with suitable and proper regard to individual initiative, ability, and ambition. It may be that our system is not perfect, but it is responsive to the demands of progress and the requirements of the common welfare. We will perfect it whenever all groups accept the solemn responsibility of trying to build the economic phases of our Republic. We must stand united for the future, and all can benefit if all will serve. Mr. LANDIS. Both industry and labor have responsibilities. Industry must win the confidence of its working organization. It can win this confidence when it stands for those things which makes for better homes, better educational facilities, better health, and all that goes to make up a healthful and contented community life. Every industry should have a plan that provides a proper contact between management and the workers. This will give the rank and file of labor an understanding of the problems of business as they relate to financing, producing, and marketing. It will also give business firsthand information about the problems of labor. Workers also have a responsibility. Too many workers consider a union as merely a grievance committee to secure all the wages it can squeeze out of the company. A union must be a constructive organization designed to promote the mutual best interests of the employer and employees. Those unions that have adopted a policy to help management to improve production and reduce costs are to be commended. American labor is smart enough to know it must produce the products, goods, and services upon which profits and taxes must be had and levied to pay the cost of social security. America is still the hope of the free people of the world. We have just begun to climb the ladder. Private industry must organize and cooperate in a manner which will make unnecessary another W. P. A. Only through the processes of private enterprise will the American people enjoy a higher standard of living. I want to see American labor kept free. It can be kept free only with public support. Without that support, organized labor, including the paid jobs of the leaders, is gone. Why chance losing great gains of the past by refusing to reveal labor's honest financial transactions? There is no reason that I can see, and my bill seeks nothing else. I would like to mention that I have two reports, two financial reports, from the United Steel Workers of America International Union; United Steel Workers of America, C. I. O.; and also a report of George F. Addes, international secretary and treasurer of the International Union of Automobile, Aircraft, and Agricultural Implement Workers of America. It is U. A. W. and C. I. O. It is from Detroit, Mich. Mr. SCANLON. You just want to include that in the record? Mr. SCANLON. I do not think their report should be made public without their permission. Mr. LANDIS. Just the name. Now, many say that this is discriminatory. I would like to include one page and a portion of a page giving Government reports, which gives the number of reports that people have to file with the Govern ment. Mr. KELLEY. Let me see that for a minute. Mr. SCANLON. Any exceptions to including that in the record? Mr. SCANLON. Do you, Mr. Day? Mr. DAY. What is that? Mr. SCANLON. Do you have any objections to including that page and a half of Government reports? Mr. DAY. He said that people had to file. Do you mean individuals or companies or what? Mr. LANDIS. Individuals and companies. Mr. DAY. I cannot see any objection to including it. Mr. SCANLON. So ordered. (The excerpt from the document referred to follows:) In accordance with the mandate contained in this resolution, the Joint Committee on Reduction of Nonessential Federal Expenditures made an investigation of the questionnaires and reports required from the public by the different agencies of government. The committee conducted public hearings and heard all the witnesses who desired to testify. The committee required each agency of the Government to submit to the committee a complete list and a sample of all questionnaires sent out by the various agencies of the Government during the period from July 1, 1941, to December 1, 1942. The responses made by the agencies show that a total of 7,025 separate and distinct Government reports and questionnaires were required by 48 agencies to be answered by the public. This figure is exclusive of the reports requested by the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, the Farm Credit Administration, and the Bureau of Agricultural Economics, this information not having been furnished the committee. This number, also, does not include a large number of letters asking for specific information and only includes the printed forms. The committee has obtained sample copies of each of the questionnaires and reports, but has not been able to secure from the different agencies exact information as to the number of each report distributed, although it is indicated that the number sent to corporations and individuals will run into the millions. The Office of Price Administration, for example, has issued and requested statistical data on 7,715,229 report forms, exclusive of rationing forms and instructions. Number of separate and distinct forms required to be answered by the public Agency or department Agriculture.. (Did not furnish figures for Agricultural Adjustment Administration, Farm Credit, or Bureau of Agricultural Economics.) Department of Commerce: Reconstruction Finance Corporation.. Census Bureau_ Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce_ Coast and Geodetic Survey. Civil Aeronautics Authority. Weather Bureau.. Interior Department.. Justice Department.. Labor Department_. Navy Department_ State Department_ Number 642 87 281 46 5 138 12 530 27 227 48 27 38 109 Treasury Department War Department... Executive Offices of the President: Number of separate and distinct forms required to be answered by the public-Con. Total of separate reports required by various agencies of the Govern- Number 28 437 192 436 5 62 258 92 241 78 32 1 244 2 229 138 28 6 6 10 5 43 7, 025 (This does not include further information and reports asked for by letters and special requests.) Mr. LANDIS. Then I would like to mention, too, that on Form 1024 of the Treasury Department, all organizations have to file this exemption affidavit; and Form 990, Treasury Department, business organizations have to file it. Labor organizations do not have to file this report. I just mention those two reports; I just mention the forms the organizations have to file. Mr. KELLEY. Which is that? Mr. LANDIS. All organizations have to file this form. Labor does not have to file this one. I believe that is all I have. Mr. SCANLON. Do you want to ask the Congressman any questions, Congressman Day? Mr. DAY. I would just like to ask him to what extent-if you know-are voluntary reports already made by labor unions? Mr. LANDIS. Well, of course, some of these reports are sent to me and most of the organizations report to their locals; they make periodic reports, but the trouble is in some of our places where we have racketeers, I don't know how you are going to find these racketeers unless you get a report and find the labor turn-over in some of those plants, especially war plants. Mr. DAY. Is it your idea that these reports be made public? Mr. DAY. And as such, open to public inspection? Mr. LANDIS. Well, whatever they want to do with them. I want to be able, myself, to call to the Secretary of Labor and get information from any organization. |