ing wit with his wisdom, has said that it was given to you to invent the Holy Roman Empire and to discover the American Commonwealth. We are glad that you have given us the two well-known books on these subjects. But you have done much more than that. Somewhere in your writings-I think it was in your biographical essay on your friend, Lord Acton-you have made a statement which has seemed to me to be very true of yourself, namely, that in estimating the great things of history Lord Acton had not overlooked the significance of the smaller things and so had not lost his sense of proportion in dealing with matters of history and politics.

Let me say, too, with what pleasure some of us have been reading your newest and very illuminating book on South America. One characteristic of that book, in particular, has impressed me, and that is that out of the wealth of your personal knowledge and out of your wide travel in each of the continents of the world you have gained material for comparative and instructive judgments as to mountain ranges, plains, products of the soil, lines and routes of travel-judgments that have made your account of what you have seen in these South American republics by far the most helpful that has yet been written by anyone. In that book not only have you given us a record of what you saw there, but you have given us that record in terms of what you had already so widely seen elsewhere.

Greatly to the regret not only of our government but of our whole people, you are now about to retire from the great post that has been been distinguished by your occupancy. We can let you go, sir, only on the condition that you will devote the years that are to come to illuminating for us some of the dark places that still remain in the public life and thought of the world. We greatly hope that out of your visits to South Africa, to Australia, to Canada, to Latin America, and out of your wide and minute knowledge of the United States, there may yet come a critical study and interpretation of the whole modern democratic movement. We need this study and interpretation of democracy, not only from the point of view of political

institutions, but from that of its personal, its social, and its economic results, together with its effect upon individual human beings and upon the life and progress of humanity as a whole.

You go from us to assume a new honor. You are to be one of the panel of judges representing Great Britain from which is constituted on occasion the great supreme international court of arbitral justice at The Hague, a court which you have labored to establish and in the principles underlying which you profoundly believe. It is grateful to think that the court is to be the forerunner of a number of influential international institutions that shall help bind the nations of the earth together in unity and concord, and to free both men and nations from the crushing burdens of armaments and from the fears and terrors out of which they grow.

And so, sir, in handing you this certificate of membership, I do so on behalf of this company of friends, friends who have become such through knowledge of your personality, through the sympathetic and attentive following of your public career. When you go back to Great Britain to take up the duties that await you there, you carry with you the full weight of the affection and regard of the American people, and of none more than those who are assembled in this room, who have formed the habit of looking up to you as a guide and philosopher, and as a true and well-tried friend.

REPLY OF AMBASSADOR BRYCE

Mr. President, Professor Lindsay and Gentlemen:

I can hardly find words to express my sense of the honor you have done me and of the gratification given me, both by the honorary membership in your Academy which has been conferred upon me, and also by the terms in which that has been conveyed to me by my old and valued friend, the president of your university, and by Professor Lindsay.

It would be superfluous for me to attempt to say-because I know that you must feel yourselves-how large a part friendship has had in dictating the words which President Butler has

let fall; it would be superfluous for me to say that the words he has used express an estimate of my aspirations rather than of my achievements. Nevertheless I am cheered by his words and by your kindness to believe that some good may have been done and I am encouraged to use whatever of life and strength may remain to me in the persevering endeavor to elucidate some of these complex phenomena of government whose comprehension will enable us in some measure to understand other countries in their reality, and to appreciate the character of their people.

I do not think that any greater service can be conferred upon the world by learned men who are trying to find solutions for all the problems that press upon us than by the creation of bodies such as this Academy, bodies which devote themselves to a scientific investigation of government, economics, administration, and what is called social science in general. You here are confronted by a number of problems probably more difficult and intricate than any other country has ever had to face. In some ways they are more complex than in Europe; yet in many respects they are not so dangerous, and often they are easier to face than the problems of European countries. No greater service can be rendered toward the solution of these problems than by the cultivation of patient and impartial thought. Thought governs the world; seeming to be ruled by votes, the world is actually ruled by thought. All the great movements of the world have begun from the thought of a comparatively small number of geniuses marking out the lines; they were followed by others who devoted their lives to developing the ideas and examining the facts to which the principles ought to be applied.

The need was never greater than now. Just because we are apt to be carried away by popular passion, it is the more necessary that all these things should be investigated by such a body as your Academy in the spirit that I have sought to indicate. It is not merely the political problems, urgent though they be, to which I refer. I speak also of economic problems, which are becoming increasingly important with the immense increase

of wealth, the development of communication and transportation, and the growth of those closer relations which now exist between all parts of the world. I have likewise in mind what we call social questions. There is a surprising growth of active philanthropy. There is a stronger feeling than ever before of the responsibility of the rich for the poor and of the necessity of applying our ethical and religious principles to bettering the lot of those who most need it. The difficulty is to know how to do it. The difficulty is to know how you can help others without superseding the help which they ought to give themselves. In all that immense field there is need for the closest study of social schemes and theories and of the methods of social reform that ought to be adopted. I believe that your Academy will be just as useful in grappling with these social problems as it will in dealing with political questions.

I should like, in saying that, to express the recognition of our English students of the value of your journal, the Political Science Quarterly, which is so ably edited by the university faculty of political science. We have nothing like it in our own country, and I am not sure that a similar publication would secure the number of readers necessary for its support. I have read it assiduously since its foundation and I have never opened it without being enlightened, and I sincerely hope that under the auspices of the Academy it will continue to flourish and render service to you and to us as it has done heretofore.

I will only add further, Mr. President, that I am deeply touched not only by your references to our old friendship but by what you say with regard to whatever work I may still hope to do. I have planned to write something, not of so large a scope, and I am afraid not venturing to attempt such heights, as you have indicated, but still something of the kind to which your words pointed. I am much encouraged by your words and by those of my other friends to go on and to devote to the task whatever time and strength my small powers will permit.

Let me say further that when I return home there will be nothing which I shall prize more highly than the opportunity to help to make known to the English people the true feelings of

the American people. I shall assure them, as I know I confidently can, of the friendship of this country and of the strong desire which exists-and which is the desire of my own people as well-that the United States and Great Britain should walk hand in hand and should together hold aloft that torch of liberty that our common ancestors lighted so many centuries ago. I may say that since I have been here I have come to realize more and more what is the pacific and honorable attitude of your people. I am more than ever convinced that the cause of arbitration and world peace will prosper pretty much in proportion as it has the loyal adherence of the United States government and people.

May I say further, as it has been my privilege in time past in England-and here I speak for my wife as well as for myself— as it has been our joy and delight frequently to see our American friends when they come over and to do what we could to help them, so it will be a continual privilege to us to meet you and your friends and to do what we can for you, whether by putting you in touch with our people or by supplying information to your Academy with regard to what is going on in Britain.

It is a great privilege to be able to feel oneself, if not technically at least practically, a citizen of two such countries. You have made me a citizen of your country and I shall never forget that privilege. Whatever I can do to aid you and yours, that I shall do in unforgetting remembrance of your kindness.

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