of these works. EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, W. L. MARCY. which spring from such disorders, will be but par- | banking institutions-that the uncertain period of probable. This board, with a distinguished French tially remedied. resumption must be delayed until the accomplish-engineer at its head, reported a system of fortificaIt is confidently believed that the interposition ment of certain pecuniary operations and political tions, extensive and sufficiently complete, though of the credit of the state in case an emergency objects which are distinctly shadowed forth in his to say that it would afford entire protection would shall arise imperiously demanding a resort to such letter,-there is very strong reason to fear that the be untrue. The first class of fortifications were of a measure, would give success to the efforts now banks of this state will not be permitted to pursue stupendous dimensions, designed to protect the making to correct the numerous evils which have the course which they have resolved to take with large towns and other important points that were arisen from the present deranged and vitiated state out encountering more than the intrinsic difficulties most assailable. The subordinate classes were also of our currency, and it appears to me that if such of the measure. I am confidently persuaded that a on a scale proportionately large. Congress emwould be its effects, there should be no hesitation vast majority, if not almost the entire mass of our braced this system, and proceeded to carry it into on the part of the legislature in applying the re-constituents, are opposed to, and will expect their effect. medy. The benefits of such an interposition would representatives and public functionaries to resist, Mr. D. thought it was now important to look at be general, inasmuch as it would contribute in no the policy put forth by the United States Bank, of it. Though it was doubtless best that the country inconsiderable degree to relieve almost all branches continuing the issue of an irredeemable currency. should be well protected against invasion, he had at of business from depression, and all classes of our In the division which will spring from the extraor-all times given his votes to sustain this system with citizens from the inconveniences, inseparable from dinary position taken upon this subject, the people some degree of reluctance, under the belief that it the use of an irredeemable and depreciated paper. of this state, and its banking institutions will, I was an overgrown system. He had now before To avoid the creation of a new stock for the trust, be found among the friends and supporters of him the original estimate of the three classes of forexpress purpose of being loaned to the banks for a a sound currency-a currency equivalent in value, tifications, and he found that the engineers estilong period, I recommend that the commissioners to the legal standard; and will be arrayed against mated the whole cost at about $18,000,000. He of the canal fund be authorized to issue stock, the policy of continuing the issue of irredeemable had the curiosity also to look at the actual expenwhich it is now certain will become necessary paper. To carry out their views in relation to this ditures on those forts that were said to be completwithin a few years, for the enlargement of the Erie | subject, to sustain our institutions in the measure of ed, which were ten or twelve in number, and he canal, and the completion of the Black river and resumption, and to put an end to the evils of a de- found that their construction had cost just about Genesee valley canals, and if the apprehended emer-based circulating medium, I cannot doubt that they twice as much as was originally estimated by the gency should arise demanding its use, to loan it to will approve of the interposition by the legislature, engineers. At that rate this system, when com the banks, requiring of them the most ample secu- in the manner I have suggested, or in any other pleted, would have cost at least $36,000,000; and rity for the punctual payment of the interest, and more efficient manner that may be devised. View-then what followed? This would be the simple exthe reimbursment of the principal from time to ing this subject in reference to the present posture pense of construction alone; they must subsequenttime, as the money may be wanted in the progress of our pecuniary affairs, to the embarrassment in ly be armed, manned, and maintained. which almost all branches of business are involved, Twenty years had now nearly elapsed since this The amount necessary for the completion of these and especially in reference to the attempt, by a for- process was commenced; and Mr. D. asked whether, works, will exceed the sum which may be required, midable moneyed power, to prolong the suspension during that time, there had not been changes in the in any event to sustain our state institutions against of specie payments beyond the period inposed by country which demanded that we should look into hostile attacks from whatever quarter they may necessity, I believe the present crisis must be gen- the system, and see whether it ought not in justice come, and to enable them to grant such assistance erally regarded as one in which it is "the duty of to be modified. Mr. D. had now referred to steam as will invigorate all branches of industry, call forth the state to stand forth in its strength, and by the as a means of defence. It was true that at the time the energies of the state, and give an onward move-use of its credit and the sanction of its name, to when the system was adopted, steam, as a means of ment to its business concerns. Although intelligent shield its institutions and its citizens from harm." defence, was not unknown; it was experimented merchants and bankers are of opinion that it will I am ready to co-operate with the other departments upon to some extent, but it was not so matured as not probably be necessary to use the credit of the of the government in every proper effort that shall to be very materially regarded in providing for the state, yet may be otherwise, and the recent expo-promise such a result. defence of this frontier. But inquiry into this subsition of the views and policy of the Bank of the ject, and the employment of steam in the civil maUnited States increases the apprehensions that a rine, had now more fully developed its character, erisis will arise in which the credit of the state to and shown that it could be employed as one of the some extent may be required. With a view of most effective agents in the defence of the country. making ample provision for any such exigency, I The question, therefore, arose, whether there ought respectfully recommend that authority should be not to be some modifications in the present system, given, in the manner suggested, to issue stock for and whether it might not be expedient to abandon the contemplated purpose to the amount of six or some, and to diminish others of the existing and eight millions of dollars. This recommendation projected fortifications. does not, it will be perceived, promise the creation In saying this, Mr. D. by no means wished to of a stock, and eventually, if need be, the raising lessen the efficiency of the defences of the counof money expressly for sustaining the banks in the try; but he desired that there should be no unnemeasure of resumption and retrieving from their cessary expenditure of the public money; and, present depression the business concerns of the above all, he would not unnecessarily lay such people, but it suggests for these highly important Mr. Davis said he wished to offer a few words of foundations as would render it necessary or expepurposes, that the moneys which it is known will explanation, though the resolutions spoke pretty dient to maintain a large standing army. The force be required for the public works already authorized distinctly for themselves. They looked to rather necessary to man these fortifications was set down by law, should be raised a short time before they an important end, and he desired, therefore, to call in these estimates at nearly 38,000 in time of war, are wanted for expenditure. It is by no means to them, particularly, the attention of the senate and in time of peace at about 5,000; and it was well certain that it will be necessary to use the power and of the executive department of the govern- known that subjects of this sort were always prehereby recommended to be invested in the commis-ment. sented to congress in the most favorable aspect; and sioners of the canal fund, but the consequences The government was now in want of funds, run therefore the 38,000 and 5,000 might be considerwhich would result to the state at large in case the aground, as had been said by the senator from Mis-ed as the minimum numbers; and if the same rule contingency which might require its exercise should souri. It was too true that, notwithstanding there should be applied as was found applicable to the happen would be so extremely injurious, that I had lately been a great surplus, a treasury full to expenditures, it would turn out that the numbers deem it expedient that the measure herein suggest overflowing, at the last session a loan of $10,000,- of men must be doubled. But at least, though Mr. ed, or some one of a similar character, should be 000 to the government had been provided for; and D. did not pretend to accuracy in his own estimates adopted. now, in the other house, a proposition had been on this subject, he knew full well that the 38,000 A new interest is, in my opinion, given to the brought forward for a loan of $10,000,000 more, and 5,000 men were put down as the smallest numsubject I have presented, and much force is added which, in all, would make a loan to the government bers. He would not estimate the expense of mainto the considerations in favor of the measure I have of $20,000,000 within the present year. This taining these men, though he believed it was placed recommended, by the course of conduct which it amount, a short time ago, would have been con- by the department at about $300 a year for each is the avowed intention of the United States Bank sidered much more than enough for the annual uses man. But it was not for that particularly that he of Philadelphia to pursue in relation to the resump-of the government; but it seemed that it was now objected to a standing army; and he meant in no tion. Had the determination to oppose a return to required in addition to the current revenue. Mr. way to disparage our troops in saying that a standspecie payments, and the bold avowal of the policy D. however, alluded to these facts to show that the ing army was in its very nature uncongenial to our of maintaining irredeemable issues, come from any treasury and the revenue of the country were in an institutions. Its sympathies were of course with other quarter, they would have caused much less embarrassed condition, and that, too, when the the government, and not with the people; it drew surprise and regret. This institution has a capital country generally was at peace and free from a pub. its support out of the treasury, and its sympathies of thirty-five millions of dollars, and possesses by lic debt. These resolutions were designed to call would follow the power that directly maintained it. the terms of its charter, much more than ordinary the attention of the executive department of the It would therefore be effectively in the hands of banking powers and privileges-it has its agencies government to the defences of the Atlantic fron- the government; and, whenever the government and long established business connexions in almost tier, for the purpose of an examination, to ascer- chose to turn it to its own purposes, it might turn every state in the union--it enjoys an extensive tain what might be done in regard to them, in the it against the people themselves and the liberties of credit, not only in this country, but in Europe; and way of economy as well as efficiency. When those the country; and his having the power to do so its resources derived from this consideration alone, fortifications were commenced, we had recently made it a dangerous engine in the hands of the are immense, it most confidently relies, as appears come out of a war with Great Britain, in which the executive of a free government. The institution by the language of its president, upon the subser- Atlantic frontier had suffered much annoyance, of the militia was of revolutionary origin; and, alviency of the banks of all the states except New commerce having been obstructed, and some small though it had been ridiculed, yet it must be regardYork, in falling into its views and co-operating with towns destroyed, and others menaced. It was, ed, by every cautious friend of republican princiit in carrying them into effect. When this formi- therefore, felt to be necessary to provide for the de- ples, as the only safe force for a free people, because dable power, I believe I am warranted in saying fence of that frontier; and it might be said that, the citizen soldier was the only one that could be this formidable combination of powers,-is arrayed feeling the evils of that war, they went rather to relied on for the support of liberty. On these acagainst the measure of resuming specie payments, the opposite extreme in preparing for its defence, counts, especially, it was very desirable that the and has become the open champion of the suspen-that it might not be found again in the same ex- number of standing troops for the defence of the pension policy, and the advocate of an irredeemable posed condition. A board of engineers was ap-country should be as small as was possibly consistcurrency when it is publicly announced by the pointed to examine the coast, and report to govern-ent with its safety. president of the United States Bank-the central ment an efficient system of defence, to be ready Mr. D. had said in the outset that the treasury power, as it may be called, of a confederation of when another war should occur, which was not im- was embarrassed, and all admitted that it was so SYSTEM OF DEFENCE. There had been, long ago, a call for great economy, for limited expenditures, for a general reform; and yet had there been any sort of reform in the expenditures? And if there had been, where was it? The administration of Mr. Adams was denounced for its prodigality, for the great number of its officers, for its extravagant expenditures of money; and if all this could have been shown, Mr. D. would have gone into any company to correct the evil. But had the expenditures of the government been ever diminished, in any branch of public service? Had the number of its officers been ever re steam batteries they would be immensely more ef- MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH, In answer to Mr. Calhoun-March 22, 1838. On Thursday, the 22d of March, Mr. Calhoun deduced? Had a system of reform been carried out Livered the speech which was published in our last, in in any manner? If so, Mr. D. had never been answer to Mr. Webster's speech of March 12. When aware of it. The blue book would show that the he had concluded, Mr. Webster immediately rose, and number of officers had, on the contrary, been great-addressed the senate as follows: Mr. PRESIDENT: I came rather late to the senate this ly increased. Nor had their salaries been diminished. Mr. D. was not aware that the salary of morning, and happening to meet a friend on the avenue, I was admonished by him to hasten my steps, as one individual among them had been diminished "the war was to be carried into Africa," and I was exfor the last nine years; on the contrary, he knew, pected to be annihilated. I lost no time in following and every gentleman who heard him knew, that the advice, sir, since it would be awkward for one to whenever the subject was touched at all in congress be annihilated without knowing any thing about it. their salaries had been raised, and that in very Well, sir, the war has been brought into Africa. The many instances. There was, then, no great reform honorable member has made an expedition into regions in all this. Mr. Adam's administration had expend- as distant from the subject of this debate as the orb of ed about $12,000,000, annually, and in 1836-7 the Jupiter is from that of our earth. He has spoken of the expenditure had risen to more than $30,000,000 a tarifi, of slavery, and of the late war. not complain. On the contrary, if it be his pleasure to allude to all, or any of these topics, for any purpose whatever, I am ready at all times to hear him. year. Mr. D. was at an utter loss how to see where there had been any reform or retrenchment. He hoped for something from this matter, if such answers were made as he had reason to expect to the resolutions. He hoped for a saving in this branch of the expenditures, if the information came in season to be used when the appropriation bills should come under consideration. Of all this I do Sir, this carrying the war into Africa, which has be- ty-five years since it terminated. He would leave an war. The war had been preceded by the restrictive sys tem and the embargo. As a private individual, I certainly did not think well of these measures. It ap peared to me the cinbargo annoyed us as much as our enemies, while it destroyed the business and cramped the spirits of the people. In this opinion I may have been right or wroug, but told us, the other day, as a proof of his independence the gentleman was himself of the same opinion. He of party, on great questions, that he differed with his friends on the subject of the embargo. He was decidedly and unalterably opposed to it. It furnishes, in his judgment, therefore, no imputation either on my patriotism, or the soundness of my political opinions, that I was opposed to it also. I mean opposed in opin on: for I was not in congress, and had nothing to do with the act creating the embargo. And as to opposi tion to measures for carrying on the war, after I came into congress, I again say, let the gentleman specitylet him lay his finger on any thing, calling for an an swer, and he shall have an answer. Mr. D. proceeded to show, in detail, the great advantages that might be expected from the use of steam-batteries, especially in keeping the enemy's ships of war out of our bays and sounds, keeping our commerce open, and our towns and villages more free from danger and alarm. He urged, also, that Great Britain, by using them on her part, would ultimately compel us to use them, willing or not, which we might do with great comparative Mr. President, I had made up my mind that if the advantage, having the means and the materials at honorable gentleman should contine himself to a reply, hand in all parts of the country, while their depots in the ordinary way, I would not say another syllable. must be at Halifax and Bermuda. He insisted that But he has not done so. He has gone off into subjects it was high time for the government to enter into quite remote from all connexion with revenue, coman inquiry on this subject with zeal and earnest-merce, finance, or sub-treasuries, and invites to a dis-been taken to find something, in the range of tacse ness. He said we all remembered how the population of Chesapeake bay were harassed, the shipping destroyed, the trade upon this great inland throughfare completely cut up, by British vessels that had possession of this highway, while we had no means of resisting their depredations. To obviate this, we had built two fortifications at an outlay of from three to four millions, to secure Hampton Roads, but these did not shut an enemy out of the bay. They only served as a place of refuge for our own vessels, and this was a great point gained. If we now added a small fleet of heavy armed steamers to the defence of this water, no vessel or vessels would dare enter it, whatever might be their force, for if they should be becalmed or come to anchor, or become incapable of being worked from any cause, they must be sacrificed to even a single bat tery, that choose its own position, and destroy them, while it would be little exposed to danger. The hazard, therefore, of entering bays and interior waters against such a force was so imminent that few would incur it, unless aided by steam. If, therefore, we relied more on this kind of defence and less on large fortifications, our internal trade would be left to its free, uninterrupted action, and we should enjoy all the vast benefits of it in time of war, and the inhabitants and their property would cease to be molested. This kind of force had at all times this great advantage; it could be suddenly concentrated and be brought to bear with all its power where emergencies called for it. "Aut cita mors, aut victoria læta." cussion which, however uninteresting to the public at Mr. President, you were yourself in the house during a considerable part of this time. The honorable gentleman may make a witness of you. He may make a witness of any body else. He may be his own witness. Give us but some fact, some charge, something capa ble in itself either of being proved or disproved." Prove any thing, not consistent with honorable and patriotic conduct, and I am ready to answer it. Sir, I am glad this subject has been alluded to, in a manner which jus tifies me in taking public notice of it; because l'am weil aware that, for ten years past, infinite pains have topics, which might create prejudice against me in the country. The journals have all been pored over, and the reports ransacked, and scraps of paragraphs an He says, sir, that I had undertaken to compare my half sentences have been collected, put together in the political character and conduct with his. Far from it. falsest manner. and then made to flare out, as if there 1 attempted no such thing. I compared the gentleman's had been some discovery. But all this failed. The political opinions at different times, with one another, next resort was to supposed correspondence. My let and expressed decided opposition to those which he ters were sought for, to learn if, in the confidence of now holds. And I did, certainly, advert to the gen- private friendship, I had never said any thing which an eral tone and drift of the gentleman's sentiments and enemy could make use of. With this view, the vicinity expressions, for some years past, in their bearing on of my former residence has been searched, as with a the union, with such remarks as I thought they deserv- lighted candle. New Hampshire has been explored, ed; but instituted no comparison between him and from the mouth of the Merrimack to the White Hills myself. He may institute one, if he pleases, and when In one instance a gentleman had left the state, gore he pleases. Seeking nothing of this kind, I avoid five hundred miles off, and died. His papers were exnothing. Let it be remembered, that the gentleman amined, a letter was found, and I have understood it began the debate by attempting to exhibit a contrast was brought to Washington, a conclave was held to between the present opinions and conduct of my consider it, and the result was, that it there was not ing friends and myself, and our recent opinions and con- else against Mr. Webster, the matter had better be let duct. Here is the first charge of inconsistency; let the alone. Sir, I hope to make every body of that opinio public judge whether he has made it good. He says, who brings against me a charge of want of patriotismi. sir, that on several questions I have taken different Errors of opinion can be found, doubtless, on many sides, at different times; let him show it. If he shows subjects; but as conduct flows from the feelings which animate the heart, I know that no act of my life has any change of opinion, I shall be called on to give a reason, and to account for it. I leave it to the country had its origin in the want of ardent love of country. to say whether, as yet, he has shown any such thing. Sir, when I came to congress, I found the honorable But, sir, before attempting that, he has something gentleman a leading member of the house of represen else to say. He had prepared, it seems, to draw com-tatives. Well, sir, in what did we difier? One of the parisons himself. He had intended to say something, first measures of magnitude, after I came here, was if time had allowed! Sir, time does allow-time must Mr. Dallas' proposition for a bank. It was a war allow. A general remark of that kind ought not to measure. It was urged as being absolutely necessary be, cannot be, left to produce its effect, when that ef- to enable government to carry on the war. Govern fect is obviously intended to be unfavorable. Why did ment wanted revenue-such a bank it was hoped the gentleman allude to my votes, or my opinions, res- would furnish it and on that account it was warmly pecting the war, at all, unless he had something to pressed and urged on congress. You remember all You remember how much some And in regard to Long Island sound, one end of say? Does he wish to leave an undefined impression this, Mr. President. it was closed in, with the exception of the narrow that something was done, or something said, by me persons supposed the success of the war and the salva passage of East river, while the other was too wide not now capable of defence or justification? something tion of the country depended on carrying that measure. not reconcileable with true patriotism? He means that, Yet the honorable member from South Carolina (p open to be fortified; and what was the conseor nothing. And now, sir, let him bring the matter posed this bill. He now takes to himself a good deal quence? The British bad entered the sound with forth: let him take the responsibility of the accusation: of merit-none too much, but still a good deal of men', their ships of war, and blockaded the whole adja- let him state his facts. am here to answer: I am for having defcated it. Well, sir, I agreed with him. cent coast, had confined the vessels in the ports, here, this day, to answer. Now is the time, and now It was a mere paper bank-a mere machine for fabri and stopped the intercourse, so that while flour the hour. I think we read, sir, that one of the good cauing irredeemable paper. It was a new form for pacould not be sold here and at Baltimore, in the east spirits would not bring against the arch enemy of man- per money; and, instead of benefitting the country, I it brought $16, and could hardly be procured at all, kind a railing accusation: and what is railing, but gen- thought it would plunge it deeper and deeper in diffi because it had to be transported by land; whereas, eral reproach-an imputation, without fact, time, or culty. I made a speech on the subject; it has often if steam batteries had been used, the way would circumstance? Sir, I call for particulars. The gen- been quoted. There it is; let whoever pleases read and probably have been kept open. Mr. D. had little leman knows my whole conduct well: indeed, the examine it. I am not proud of it for any ability it exhesitation in saying that a few batteries of this sort journals show it all, from the moment I came into con-hibits; on the other hand, I am not ashamed of it, for gress till the peace. If I have done, then, sir, any the spirit which it manifests. But, sir, I say again, the would afford more effectual protection than anything unpatriotic-any thing which, as far as love to gentleman himself took the lead against this measuresystem of protection which could be employed. country goes, will not bear comparison with his, or any this darling measure of the administration. I followed Fortifications were also necessarry for the protec- man's conduct-let it now be stated. Give me the him; if I was seduced into error, or into unjustifiable tion of these batteries themselves, and the defence fact, the time, the manner. He speaks of the war; opposition, there sits my seducer. of the important points of the country, but with the that which we call the late war, though it is now twen What sir, were other leading sentiments, or leading Well, sir, in all this, I was exactly of the same opinion as the honorable gentleman. friend to the south. Why, sir, the only proof is, that I cidental to revenue, and that the incident could not be carried fairly above the principal: in other words, that duties ought not to be laid for the mere object of protection. I believe that was substantially correct. I believe that if the power of protection be inferred only from the revenue power, the protection could only be incidental. measures of that day? On what other subjects did men differ? The gentleman has adverted to one, and that a most important one; I mean the navy. He Sir, this is a very grave matter; it is a subject very says, and says truly, that at the commencement of the exciting and inflammable. I take, of course, all the war the navy was unpopular. It was unpopular with responsibility belonging to my opinions; but I desire his friends, who then controlled the politics of the coun- these opinions to be understood, and fairly stated. If I try. But he says he differed with his friends; in this am to be regarded as an enemy to the south, because respect he resisted party influence and party connex-I could not support the gentleman's resolutions, be it so. But, I have said in this place before, and I repeat ion, and was the friend and advocate of the navy. Sir, I cannot purchase favor from any quarter, by the sacri- now, that Mr. Madison's publication, after that period, I commend him for it. He showed his wisdom. That fice of clear and conscientious convictions. The prin- and his declaration that the convention did intend to gallant little navy soon fought itself into favor, and cipal resolution declared that congress had plighted its grant the power of protection, under the commercial showed that no man, who had placed reliance on it, faith, not to interfere, either with slavery or the slave-clause, placed the subject in a new and clear light. I had been disappointed. trade, in the District of Columbia. will add, sir, that a paper drawn up by Dr. Franklin, Now, sir, this is quite a new idea. I never heard it and read by him to a circle of friends in Philadelphia, advanced until this session. I have heard gentlemen on the eve of the assembling of the convention, reSir, I do not know when my opinion of the impor- contend that no such power was in the constitution; specting the powers which the proposed new governtance of a naval force to the United States had its ori- but the notion, that though the constitution contained ment ought to possess, shows, perfectly plain, that, in gin. I can give no date to my sentiments on this sub-no prohibition, yet that congress had plighted its faith, regulating commerce, it was expected congress would ject, because I never entertained different sentiments. not to exercise such a power, is an entire novelty, so adopt a course, which should, to some degree, protect I remember, sir, that immediately after coming into far as I know. I must say, sir, it appeared to me little the inanufactures of the north. He certainly went into my profession, at a period when the navy was most else than an attempt to put a prohibition into the con- the convention himself under that conviction. unpopular, when it was called by all sorts of hard stitution, because there was none there already. For Well, sir, and now what does the gentleman make names, and designated by many coarse epithets, on this supposed plighting of the public faith, or the faith out against me in relation to the tariff? What laurels one of those occasions, on which young men address of congress, I saw no ground, either in the history of does he gather in this part of Africa? I opposed the their neighbors, I ventured to put forth a boy's hand in the government, or in any one fact, or in any argument. policy of the tariff, until it had become the settled and defence of the navy. I insisted on its importance, its I therefore could not vote for the proposition. established policy of the country. I have never quesadaptation to our circumstances, and to our national Sir, it is now several years since I took care to make tioned the constitutional power of congress to grant character; and its indispensable necessity, if we intend- my opinion known, that this government has, consti- protection, except so far as the remark goes, made in ed to maintain and extend our commerce. These tutionally, nothing to do with slavery, as it exists in the Faneuil hall, which remark respects only the length to opinions and sentiments I brought into congress; and, states. That opinion is entirely unchanged. I stand which protection might properly be carried, so far as so far as I remember, it was the first, or among the steadily by the resolution of the house of representa- the power is derived from the authority to lay duties on first times, in which I presumed to speak on the topics tives, adopted, after much consideration, at the com- imports. But the policy being established, and a great of the day, that I attempted to urge on the house a mencement of the government-which was, that con- part of the country having placed vast interests at stake greater attention to the naval service. There were gress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation in it, I have not disturbed it; on the contrary, I have divers modes of prosecuting the war. On these modes, of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the insisted that it ought not to be disturbed. If there be or on the degree of attention and expense which should states; it remaining with the several states alone to pro-inconsistency in all this, the gentleman is at liberty to be bestowed on each, different men held different opin-vide any regulations therein, which humanity and true blazon it forth; let him see what he can make of it. ions. I confess I looked with most hope to the results policy may require. This, in my opinion, is the con- Here, sir, I cease to speak of myself; and respectof naval warfare, and therefore I invoked governinent stitution, and the law. I feel bound by it. I have fully ask pardon of the senate for having so long deto invigorate and strengthen that arm of the national quoted the resolution often. It expresses the judgment tained it, upon any thing so unimportant as what redefence. I invoked it to seek its enemies upon the of men of all parts of the country, deliberately formed, lates merely to my own public conduct and opinions. seas to go where every auspicious indication pointed, in a cool time; and it expresses my judginent, and I Sir, the honorable member is pleased to suppose that and where the whole heart and soul of the country shall adhere to it. But this has nothing to do with our spleen is excited, because he has interfered to snatch would go with it. the other constitutional question; that is to say, the from us a victory over the administration. If he means Sir, we were at war with the greatest maritime pow-mere constitutional question, whether congress has the by this any personal disappointment, I shall not think er on earth. England had gained an ascendancy on it worth while to make a remark upon it. If he means the seas over the whole combined powers of Europe. a disappointment at his quitting us while we were enShe had been at war twenty years. She had tried her deavoring to arrest the present policy of the adminisfortunes on the continent, but generally with no suctration, why, then, I admit, sir, that I, for one, felt that cess. At one time, the whole continent had been closed disappointment deeply. It is the policy of the adminisagainst her. A long line of armed exterior, an unbrotration, its principles, and its measures, which I oppose. ken hostile array, frowned upon her from the gulf of It is not persons, but things; not men, but measures. Archangel, round the promonotory of Spain and Portudo wish, most fervently, to put an end to this antigal, to the foot of the boot of Italy. There was not a commercial policy; and if the overthrow of the policy port which an English ship could enter. Every where shall be followed by the political defeat of its authors, on the land the genius of her great enemy had triwhy, sir, it is a result which I shall endeavor to meet umphed. He had defeated armies, crushed coalitions, with equanimity. and overturned thrones; but, like the fabled giant, he was unconquerable only while he touched the land. On the ocean, he was powerless. That field of fame was his adversary's, and her meteor flag was streaming in triumph all over it. To her maritime ascendancy, England owed everyt thing, and we were now at war with her. One of the most charming of her poets has said of her, that "Her march is o'er the mountain wave, "Her home is on the deep." Now, sir, since we were at war with her, I was for intercepting this march; I was for calling upon her, and paying our respects to her at home; I was for giving her to know that we, too, had a right of way over the seas, and that our marine officers and our sailors were not entire strangers on the bosom of the deep; I was for doing something more with our navy, than to keep it on our shores, for the protection of our own coasts and our own harbors; I was for giving play to its gallant and burning spirit; for allowing it to go forth upon the seas, and to encounter, on an open and an equal field, what ever the proudest or the bravest of the enemy could bring against it. I knew the character of its officers, and the spirit of its seamen; and I knew that, in their han is, though the flag of the country might go down to the bottom, while they went with it, yet that it could never be dishonored or disgraced. power to regulate slavery and the slave-trade in the On such a question, sir, when I am asked what the con- I He has chosen to bring that subject into this debate, with which it has no concern, but he may make the most of it, if he thinks he can produce unfavorable im- Sir, as to the honorable member's rescuing the vicpressions on the south, from my negative to his fifth re-tory from us, or as to his ability to sustain the adminissolution. As to the rest of them, they were common-tration in this policy, there may be a drachm of a scruplaces, generally, or abstractions; in regard to which, ple about that. I trust the citadel will yet be stormed, one may well not feel himself called on to vote at all. and carried, by the force of public opinion, and that no And now, sir, in regard to the tariff. That is a long Hector will be able to defend its walls. chapter, but I am quite ready to go over it with the honorable member. But now, sir, I must advert to a declaration of the honorable member, which, I confess, did surprise me. He charges me with inconsistency. That may de- The honorable member says that, personally, he and pend on deciding what inconsistency is, in respect to myself have been on friendly terms, but that we always such subjects, and now it is to be proved. I will state differed on great constitutional questions! Sir, this is the facts, for I have them in my mind somewhat more astounding. And yet I was partly prepared for it; for fully than the honorable member has himself presented I sat here the other day, and held my breath, while the them. Let us begin at the beginning. In 1816, I voted honorable gentleman declared and repeated, that he against the tariff law, which then passed. In 1824, I always belonged to the state rights party! And he again voted against the tariff law, which was then pro-means, by what he has declared to-day, that he has alposed, and which passed. A majority of New Eng-ways given to the constitution a construction more land votes, in 1824, was against the tariff system. The limited, better guarded, less favorable to the extension bill received but one vote from Massachusetts; but it of the powers of this government, than that which I passed. The policy was established; New England have given to it. He has always interpreted it accordacquiesced in it; conformed her business and pursuits ing to the strict doctrine of the school of state rights! to it; embarked her capital, and employed her labor, in Sir, if the honorable member ever belonged, until very manufactures; and I certainly adinit that, from that lately, to the state rights party, the connexion was very tune, I have felt bound to support interests thus called much like a secret marriage. And never was secret into being, and into importance, by the settled policy better kept. Not only were the espousals not acknowof the government. I have stated this often here, and ledged, but all suspicion was avoided. There was no often elsewhere. The ground is defensible, and I known familiarity, or even kindness between them.maintain it. On the contrary, they acted like parties who were not at all fond of each other's company. Since she was our enemy-and a most powerful ene- As to the resolutions adopted in Boston, in 1820, and my-1 was for touching her, if we could, in the very which resolutions he has caused to be read, and which Sir, is there a man, in my hearing, among all the genapple of her eye; for reaching the highest feather in her he says he presumes I prepared, I have no recollection tlemen now surrounding us, many of whom, of both cap; for clutching at the very brightest jewel in her of having drawn the resolutions, and do not believe I houses, have been here many years, and know the crown. There seemed to me to be a peculiar propriety did. But I was at the meeting, and addressed the gentleman and myself perfectly; is there one, who ever in all this, as the war was undertaken for the redress of meeting, and what I said on that occasion has been heard, supposed, or dreamed, that the honorable memmaritime injuries alone. It was a war declared for produced here, and read in the senate years ago. ber belonged to the state rights party before the year free trade and sailors' rights. The ocean, therefore, The resolutions, sir, were opposed to the commenc-1825? Can any such connexion be proved upon himwas the proper theatre for deciding this controversy ing of a high tariff policy. I was opposed to it, and can he prove it upon himself, before that time? with our eneiny, and on that theatre my ardent wish spoke against it-the city of Boston was opposed to it Sir, I will show you, before I resume my seat, that it was, that our own power should be concentrated to the the commonwealth of Massachusetts was opposed to was not until after the gentleman took his seat in the utmost. it. Remember, sir, that this was in 1820. This oppo-chair which you now occupy, that any public mani So much, sir, for the war, and for my conduct and sition continued till 1821. The votes all show this. But festation, or intimation, was ever given by him, of his opinions as connected with it. And, as I do not mean in 1824, the question was decided; the government en- having embraced the peculiar doctrines of the state to recur to this subject often, nor ever, unless indispen- tered upon the policy; it invited men to embark their rights party, sably necessary, I repeat the demand for any charge, property and their means of living in it. Individuals The truth is, sir, the honorable gentleman had acted any accusation, any allegaton whatever, that throws have done this to a great extent; and, therefore, I say, a very important and useful part during the war. But me behind the honorable gentleman, or behind any so long as the manufactures shall need reasonable and the war terminated. Toward the close of the session other man, in honor, in fidelity, in devoted love to that just protection from government, I shall be disposed to of 1814-'15, we received the news of peace. This closcountry in which I was born, which has honored me, give it to them. What is there, sir, in all this, for theed the 13th congress. In the fall of 1815, the 14th conand which I serve. I, who seldom deal in defiance, gentleman to complain of? Would he have us always gress assembled. It was full of ability, and the honornow, here, in my place, boldly defy the honorable oppose the policy, adopted by the country, on a great able gentleman stood high among its distinguished member to put his insinuation in the form of a charge, question? Would he have minorities never submit to members. He remained in the house, sir, through the and to support that charge by any proof whatever. the will of majorities? whole of that congress; and now, sir, it is easy to be The gentleman has adverted to the subject of slavery. I remember to have said, sir, at the meeting in Fane-shown, that, during those two years, the honorable On this subject, he says, I have not proved myself ́al uil hall, that protection appeared to be regarded as in- gentleman took a decided lead, in all those great mea sures, which he has since so often denounced, as unconstitutional and oppressive-the bank, the tariff, and internal improvements. The war being terminated, the gentleman's mind turned itself toward internal administration and improvement. He surveyed the whole country, contemplated all its resources, saw what it was capable of becoming, and held a political faith, not so narrow and contracted as to restrain him from useful and efficient action. He was, therefore, at once, a full length ahead of all others, in measures, which were national, and which required a broad and liberal construction of the constitution. This is historic truth. Of his agency in the bank, and other measures connected with the currency, I have already spoken, and I do not understand him to deny any thing I have said, in that particular. Indeed, I have said nothing capable of denial. in that shape, on that account; and among them colonel | And now, sir, since the honorable gentleman says he press." First, that the proportion of the fund to be expended in each state, respectively, should be in proportion to the number of its inhabitants; Second, that the money should be applied in constructing such roads, canals, &c. in the several states, as congress might direct, with the assent of the state. This, sir, was Timothy Pickering's amendment of the honorable gentleman's bill. And now, sir, how did Now allow me a few words upon the tariff. The the honorable gentleman, who has always belonged to tariff of 1816 was distinctly a South Carolina measure. the state-rights party, how did he treat this amendment, Sir, I will pursue this topic no further. I would not Look at the votes, and you will see it. It was a tariff, or this substitute? Which way, do you think, his state have pursued it so far-I would not have entered upon for the benefit of South Carolina interests, and carried rights doctrine led him? Why, sir, I will tell you. He it at all-had it not been for the astonishment I felt, through congress by South Carolina votes, and South immediately rose, and moved to strike out the words mingled, I confess, with something of warmer feeling, Carolina influence. Even the minimum, sir, the so-"with the assent of the state!" Here is the journal un- when the honorable gentleman declared that he had much-reproached, the abominable minimum, that sub- der my hand, sir; and here is the gentleman's motion. always differed from me on constitutional questions. ject of so much angry indignation and wrathful rheto- And certainly, sir, it will be admitted, that this motion Sir, the honorable member read a quotation or two ric, is of southern origin, and has a South Carolina was not of a nature to intimate that he had become from a speech of mine in 1816, on the currency or parentage. wedded to state rights. But the words were not strick-bank question. With what intent, or to what end? Sir, the contest on that occasion, was chiefly between en out. The motion did not prevail. Mr. Pickering's What inconsistency does he show? Speaking of the the cotton-growers at home, and the importers of cot- substitute was adopted, and the bill passed the house in legal currency of the country, that is, the coin, I then ton fabrics from India. These India fabrics were made that form. said it was in a good state. Was not that true? I was from the cotton of that country. The people of this In committee of the whole on this bill, sir, the honor-speaking of the legal currency; of that which the law country were using cotton fabrics, not made of Ameri-able member made a very able speech, both on the pol- made a tender. And how is that inconsistent with any mand for such cotton. The importation of India cot-over the subject. Those points were fully argued by can cotton, and, so far, they were diminishing the de-icy of internal improvements, and the power of congress thing said by me now, or ever said by me? I declared then, he says, that the framers of this gotons was then very large, and this bill was designed to him. He spoke of the importance of the system; the vernment were hard-money men. Certainly they were. put an end to it, and, with the help of the minimum, it vast good it would produce, and its favorable effect on But, are not the friends of a convertible paper harddid put an end to it. The cotton manufactures of the the union of the states. "Let us, then," said he, "bind money men, in every practical and sensible meaning of north were then in their infancy. They had some the republic together, with a perfect system of roads and the term? Did I, in that speech, or ony other, insist on friends in congress, but if I recollect, the majority of canals. Let us conquer space. It is thus the most dis- excluding all convertible paper from the uses of soMassachusetts members and of New England mem- tani parts of the republic will be brought within a few ciety? Most assuredly I did not. I never quite so far bers were against this cotton tariff of 1816. I remem- days' travel of the centre; it is thus that a citizen of the lost my wits, I think. There is but a single sentence in ber well, that the main debate was, between the im-west will read the news of Boston still moist from the that speech which I should qualify, if I were to deliver porters of India cottons in the north, and the cottonit again and that the honorable member has not nogrowers of the south. The gentleman cannot deny the But, on the power of congress to make internal im- ticed. It is a paragraph respecting the power of con truth of this, or any part of it. Boston opposed this provements; ay, sir, on the power of congres, hear him!gress over the circulation of state banks, which might, tariff, and Salem opposed it, warmly and vigorously. What were then his rules of construction and interpre- perhaps, need explanation or correction. UnderstandBut the honorable member supported it, and the law tation? How did he at that time read and understanding it as applicable to the case then before congress, all passed. And now be it always remembered, sir, that the constitution? Why, sir, he said that "he was no the rest is perfectly accordant with my present opinthat act passed on the professed ground of protection: advocate for refined arguments on the constitution. ions. It is well known that I never doubted the power that it had in it the minimum principle, and that the hon- The instrument was not intended as a thesis for the of congress to create a bank; that I was always in favor orable member and other leading gentlemen from his logician to exercise his ingenuity on. It ought to be of a bank, constituted on proper principles; that I voted own state supported it, voted for it, and carried it construed with plain good sense." This is all very for the bank bill of 1815, and opposed that of 1816 only through congress. just, I think, sir; and he said much more. He quoted on account of one or two of its provisions, which I and And now, sir, we come to the doctrine of internal many instances of laws, passed, as he contended, on others hoped to be able to strike out. I am a hardimprovement that other usurpation, that other oppres- similar principles, and then added, that "he introduced money man, and always have been, and always shall sion, which has come so near to justifying violent abrup- these instances to prove the uniform sense of congress be. But I know the great use of such bank paper as is tion of the government, and scattering the fragments of and of the country, (for they had not been objected to, convertible into hard-money, on demand; which may the union to the four winds. Have the gentleman's as to our powers; and surely," said he, "they furnish be called specie paper, and which is equivalent to spe state-rights opinions always kept him aloof from such better evidence of the true interpretation of the consti- cie in value, and much more convenient and useful. unhallowed infringements of the constitution? He says tution than the most refined and subtle arguments." he always differed with me on constitutional questions. Here, you see, Mr. President, how little original I am. How was it in this most important particular? Has he You have heard me, again and again, contending in here stood on the ramparts, brandishing his glittering my place here for the stability of that which has been sword against assailants, and holding out a banner of long settled; you have heard me, till I dare say you have defiance? Sir-sir-sir-it is an indisputable truth, been tired, insisting that the sense of congress, so often But, sir, I have insisted that government is bound to that he is himself the man-the ipse that first brought expressed, and the sense of the country, so fully known, protect and regulate the means of commerce, to see forward, in congress, a scheme of general internal im- and so firmly established, ought to be regarded as hav- that there is a sound currency for the use of the people. provement, at the expense, and under the authority of ing decided, finally, certain constitutional questions. The honorable gentleman asks, what then is the this government. He, sir, is the very man, the ipsissi- You see now, sir, what authority I have for this mode limit? Must congress also furnish all means of com mus ipse, who, considerately, and on a settled system, of argument. But while the scholar is learning, the merce? Must it furnish weights, and scales, and steelbegan these unconstitutional measures, if they be un-teacher renounces. Will he apply his doctrine now-yards? Most undoubtedly, sir, it must regulate weights I sincerely wish he would-to the question of the bank, and measures; and it does so. But the answer to the The act incorporating the Bank of the United States, to the question of the receiving of bank notes by gov general question is very obvious. Government must was passed in April, 1816. For the privileges of the ernment, to the power of congress over the paper cur-furnish all that which none but government can furnish. charter, the proprietors of the bank were to pay to go- rency? Will he, sir, will he admit that these ought to Government must do that for individuals which indivi vernment a bonus, as it was called, of one million five be regarded as decided, by the settled sense of the con-duals cannot do for themselves. That is the very end hundred thousand dollars, in certain instaliments. Go-gress of the country? Oh, no. Far otherwise. From of government. Why, else, have we a government? vernment also took seven millions in the stock of the these rules of judgment, and from the influence of all And can individuals make a currency? Can indini bank. Early in the next session of congress-that is, in considerations of this practical nature, the honorable duals regulate money? The distinction is as broad and December, 1816-the honorable member moved, in the member now takes these questions with him into the plain as Pennsylvania avenue. No man can mistake house of representatives, that a committee be appointed upper heights of metaphysics, into the regions of these it, or well blunder out of it. The gentleman asks if go to consider the propriety of setting apart this bonus, and refinements and subtle arguments which he rejected vernment must furnish for the people ships, and boats, also the dividends on the stock belonging to the United with so much decision in 1817, as appears by this and wagons. Certainly not. The gentleman here only States, as a permanent fund for internal improvement. speech. He quits his old ground of common sense, recites the president's message of September. These The committee was appointed, and the honorable mem- experience, and the general understanding of the coun things, and all such things, the people can furnish for ber was made its chairman. He thus originated the themselves; but they cannot make a currency; they plan, and took the lead in its execution. Shortly after try, for a flight among theories and abstractions. And now, sir, let me ask, when did the honorable cannot, individually, decide what shall be the money of wards, he reported a bill carrying out the objects for member relinquish these early opinions and principles the country. That, every body knews, is one of the which the committee had been appointed. This bill of his? When did he make known his adhesion to prerogatives and one of the duties of government; and provided that the dividends on the seven millions of the doctrines of the state-rights party? We have been a duty which I think we are most unwisely neglecting. bank stock belonging to government, and also the whole speaking of transactions in 1816 and 1817. What the We may as well leave the people to make war and to of the bonus, should be permanently pledged, as a fund gentleman's opinions then were, we have seen. But make peace, each man for himself, as to leave indivifor constructing roads and canals; and that this fund when did he announce himself a state-rights man? I duals the regulation of commerce and currency. should be subject to such specific appropriations as con- have already said, sir, that nobody knew of his claiming Mr. President, there are other remarks of the gentle gress might thereafter make. that character until after the commencement of 1825; man of which I might take notice. But, should I do and I have said so, because I have before me an ad- so, I should only repeat what I have already said, either dress of his to his neighbors of Abbeville, in May of now or heretofore. I shall, therefore, hot now allude to that year, in which he recounts, very properly, the prin- them. cipal incidents in his career, as a member of congress, My principal purpose, in what I have said, has been: and as head of a department; and in which he says that, first, to defend myself that was my first object; and as a member of congress, he had given his zealous ef- next, as the honorable member has attempted to take to forts in favor of a restoration of specie currency; of a himself the character of a strict constructionist, and a due protection of those munufactures which had taken state-rights man, and on that basis to show a difference, root during the war, and, finally, of a system for con-not favorable to me, between his constitutional opin necting the various parts of the country by a judicious ions and my own, heretofore, it has been my intention system of internal improvement. to show that the power to create a bank, the power to regulate the currency by other and direct means, the power to lay a protecting tariff, and the power of internal improvement, in its broadest sense, are all powers which the honorable gentleman himself has supported, has acted on, and in the exercise of which, indeed, constitutional. And now for the proof. This was the bill; and this was the first project ever brought forward, in congress, for a system of internal improvements. The bill goes the whole doctrine, at a single jump. The Cumberland road, it is true, was already in progress; and for that the gentleman had also voted. But there were, and are now, peculiarities about that particular expenditure, which sometimes satisfy scrupulous consciences; but this bill of the gentleman's, without equivocation or saving clause-without if, or and, or but occupied the whole ground at once, and announced internal improvement as one of the objects of this government, on a grand and systematic plan. This bill, sir, seemed indeed too strong. It was thought by persons not esteemed extremely jealous of state rights, to evince, nevertheless, too little regard to the will of the states. Several gentlemen opposed the measure, And he adds, that it afterwards became his duty, as a member of the administration, to aid in sustaining, against the boldest assaults, those very measures, which, as a member of congress, he had contributed to establish. On the other hand, I abhor all irredeemable paper; all old-fashioned paper money; all deceptive promises; every thing, indeed, in the shape of paper issued for cir culation, whether by government or individuals, which may not be turned into specie at the will of the holder. minate. This, sir, is the law, the spirit of which I commend to gentlemen. I will not speak of the appropriateness of these several allowances for the civil list. But the example is good, and I am of opinion, that until congress shall perform its duty, by seeing that the country enjoys a good currency, the same medium which the people are obliged to use, whether it be skins or rags, is good enough for its own members. he has taken a distinguished lead in the councils of con I will say a few words, before I resume my seat, on the motion now pending. That motion is, to strike out the specie-paying part of the bill. I have a suspicion, sir, that the motion will prevail. If it should, it will leave a great vacuum; and how shall that vacuum be filled? The part proposed to be struck out, is that which requires all debts to government to be paid in specie. It makes a good provision for government, and for public men, through all classes. The secretary of the treasury, in his letter, at the last session, was still more watchful of the interest of the holders of office. He assured us, bad as the times were, and notwithstanding the floods of bad paper which deluged the country, members of congress should get specie. on me a charge of inconsistency. I am pleased that he has afforded me, on this occasion, an opportunity to speak of this portion of our political history, and of the part I took. It is one that requires explanation, not only in reference to myself, but the party to which I belong. In supporting the measure to which the senator referred, I was not alone: I acted with the great body of the party: and, if I took a more prominent part in relation to them than others, it is to be attributed to the position which I held in the house and the party at the time. It is not my intention to defend those measures; but to explain, in justice to myself and the party, the circumstances under which we acted. I do not deny but that we departed, more or less from the true princí ples and policy of our party; but it was under circumstances which, though they do not justify the departure, are calculated, in a great degree, to excuse it; and to repel effectually any inference that it was an intentional abandonment of them. No popular party is proof against success, and the long possession of power: and such proved to be the We had been in the uninterrupted fact in our case. possession of power for more than sixteen years, and In my opinion, sir, this is beginning the use of good had just carried through successfully a war against the money, in payment, at the wrong end of the list. If greatest power on earth, and, at the same time, overthrown the party in opposition to us. The flush of victhere be bad money in the country, I think that secretaries and other executive officers, and especially mem But the senator, in order to throw the blame on me, tory had, as is usual, the effect of working a considerabers of congress, should be the last to receive any good denies that he drew a comparison between us. Does ble change in the feelings and views of our party, money; because they have the power, if they will do he consider it no comparison to claim for himself the which contributed to the introduction of the measures their duty, and exercise the power, of making money most universal and ardent patriotism; and to attribute to which the senator refers. But there were other, and of the country good for all. I think, sir, it was a lead-to me the opposite qualities, of being sectional, and powerful causes, which also contributed to it. During ing feature in Mr. Burke's famous bill for economical entertaing feelings far from friendly to the union? And the war, the country had suffered much from a deprereform, that he provided, first of all, for those who are this, too, without any thing in the question, or my pre-tic supplies to take the place of those articles which we ciated and unequal currency; from the want of domesleast able to secure themselves. Every body else was vious remarks, that could, by possibility justify it? Does to be well paid all they were entitled to, before the min- he really think that I ought to have sat in silence with- had been cut off by the war, and from the want of good isters of the crown, and other political characters, should out attempting to show, as I have done, how perfectly roads, and other channels of conveyance, on which to have any thing. This seems to me very right. But we unfounded are his claims to superior patriotism, and how transport munitions of war, and to concentrate promptly a sufficient force on the points menaced or attacked have a precedent, sir, in our own country, more directly unjust his charges against me? by the enemy. After its termination, there was a vivid to the purpose; and as that which we now hope to strike But in order to justify himself, he accuses me of hav-recollection of the difficulties occasioned by these out is the part of the bill furnished, or proposed originally ing first attempted to fix on himself and friends the wants. The danger, at the time, to the country, was by the honorable member from South Carolina, it will charge of inconsistency, in supporting the substitute of believed to be connected exclusively with our foreign naturally devolve on him to supply its place. I wish, the senator from Virginia, (Mr. Rives.) I made no such relations. The war, it is true, had terminated successtherefore, to draw his particular attention to this prece- charge. I simply availed myself of the opinion which fully; but there were hostile feelings left behind on both dent, which I am now about to produce. he and they entertained and expressed, in relation to a sides, between our country and Great Britain; and she Most members of the senate will remember that, be- similar measure in 1834-acquitting them expressly of kept up a powerful force in her possessions in our immefore the establishment of this government, and before, all inconsistency. So far from a charge of the kind, I diate vicinity, which was calculated to excite our vigior about the time, that the territory which now consti- placed my argument on the assumption, that their opin- lance, and to admonish us of the necessity of being tutes the state of Tennessee was ceded to congress, the ion remained unchanged; and yet this he calls a charge prepared for a renewed contest. Besides we were in inhabitants of the eastern part of that territory estab- of inconsistency-a throwing of the first stone; and on danger in being involved in a long and dangerous conlished a government for themselves, and called it the which he rests the justification of his unprovoked per- test, growing out of the revolution in Spanish America; state of Franklin. They adopted a very good constitu-sonalities. in which at one time the great powers of Europe united tion, divided into the usual branches of legislative, exe- The senator next attributes to me the assertion, that by what was called "The Holy Alliance," were strongly cutive, and judicial power. They laid and collected I intended to draw a comparison between his course inclined to interfere. Under these circumstances, and taxes, and performed other acts of legislation. They when the political principles of our party appeared to had, for the present, it is true, no maritime possessions, have gained a permanent ascendency, by the prostrayet they followed the common forms in constituting high tion of our old opponents, and to be in no danger, it is officers; and their governor was not only captain-genenot at all wonderful that the measures with which the ral and commander-in-chief, but admiral also, so that senator now reproaches me should have received the the navy might have a commander when there should support of myself and the party to which I belong. I confess, for myself, that I then believed the danger to be, not within, but without-not from the giving away of our principles, but violence from abroad: and that I had no suspicion that it lay in the quarter which experience has shown it really did. This accounts for my course at that period. be a navy. and mine during the late war, if time had permitted, accusing me, at the same time, of making a "railing accusation" against him. My answer is, that I said nothing like it; and made no accusation whatever, either "railing" or specifice. I said not a word of "time per mitting me." What I really said was entirely different; and bears no analogy whatever to what he attributes to Well, sir, the currency of this state of Franklin be- me, as the senate must remember. I confined myself came very much deranged. Specie was scarce, and to an inquiry into the truth of the picture he had drawn equally scarce were the notes of specie-paying banks. of his patriotism; and his comparison between his pubBut the legislature did not propose any divorce of go- lie conduct and mine. I demonstrated what little claims vernment and people; they did not seek to establish two he had to the high qualities he arrogated to himself; and currencies, one for men in office, and one for the rest of how unfounded his assumption was to a more universal the community. They were content with neighbor's and ardent patriotism. I illustrated all this by a referfare. It became necessary to pass what we should call, ence to his course in relation to abolition and the tariff; now-a-days, the civil-list appropriation-bill. They pas- and declined going into a comparison between our sed such a bill; and when we shall have made a void in courses during the late war-not for a want of time, as the bill now before us, by striking out specie payments, he states, but expressly on the ground that the events of for government, I recoinmend to its friends to fill the that day were by-gone, and belonged to history, where gap by inserting, if not the same provisions as were in I was willing to leave it, and where I should leave it, the law of the state of Franklin, at least something in the same spirit. In voting for the tariff of 1816, which I am still of opinion was a judicious measure, with the exception of the minimum principle, of which I think as badly as any one, I regarded it as a revenue measure, and called for by the circumstances of the time. But I did not dream that, in the short space of twelve years, it would be perverted by those interested into an instrument of such unless provoked to go into the comparison, by some fu- unbounded oppression as to exact and pass into the ture attack from the senator. I added not a word of ac- treasury one-half of the whole proceeds of our foreign The preamble of that law, sir, begins by reciting, cusation whatever, either "railing" or otherwise. It is exchanges. Nor did I imagine that, in introducing a that the collection of axes, in specie, had become very true, I said that, at one time, I intended to go into a bill to set apart a particular fund for internal improveoppressive to the good people of the commonwealth, for comparison. I certainly had no reason, personally, to ment, and leaving it to congress to determine thereafter the want of a circulating medium. A parallel case to decline it; but I felt a strong repugnance, which I could the extent of power over that subject, and to what obours, sir, exactly. It recites further, sir, that it is the not overcome, to recurring back to such distant events,jects the funds should be applied, (that was its real duty of the legislature to hear, at all times, the prayer of that have passed out of the circle of the politics of the character) there was the least danger that, in a few their constituents, and apply as speedy a remedy as lies day. Acting under its influence, I limited my remarks, years, the whole revenue of the country would become in their power. These sentiments are very just, sir, in reference to the senator and myself, to the great and and I sincerely wish there was a thorough disposition living questions of the day, which are still unsettled, and here to adopt the like. are destined to exercise an important control over the Acting under the influence of these sound principles, future destiny of the country. sir, the legislature of Frankinn passed a law, for the But if I should be forced into the comparison, I shall support of the civil list, which, as it is short, I will beg not confine myself simply to what the senator did at that permission to read: important period of our history: I would take a far "Be it enacted by the general assembly of the state of wider range. He claims for himself an exalted patrioFranklin, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the tism, far above others, and myself in particular; and same, That, from the 1st day of January, A. D, 1789, that, too, in war as well as peace; and he would have the salaries of the civil officers of this commonwealth no right to complain, if held responsible not only for what he did, but for what he did not; not only for his own "His excellency the governor, per annum, one thou-acts, but also for his political associates and party, which sand deer skins; his honor, the chief justice, five hun-passed without his censure or rebuke. I have no wish, dred do. do.; the attorney-general, five hundred do. do.; for the reasons I have stated, to enter on the comparison; secretary to his excellency the governor, five hundred but if he desires it, I will read a statement of some dozen raccoon do.; the treasurer of the state, four hundred and or fifteen of his votes, which I laid my hands on since fifty otter do; each county clerk, three hundred beaver he commenced his reply; and which will furnish some do.; clerk of the house of commons, two hundred rac-index of his course during that period. [Mr. Webster coon do.; members of assembly, per diem, three do. do.; indicating no desire for the reading, Mr. Calhoun projustice's fee for signing a warrant, one muskrat do.; to the constable, for serving a warrant, one mink do. "Enacted into a law this 18th day of October, 1788, under the great seal of the state. be as follows, to wit: "Witness his excelleney, &c. ceeded:] Dropping, then, the senator's course during the war, I shall proceed to notice some remarks of his in reference to myself. He has hunted up with much industry, and brought forward with great parade, my course in relation to the tariff-to the bank-and the bonus bill, immediately subsequent to the late war, in order to fix an object of scramble among the various sections in which the struggle would be, who should get most, without any reference to the public good. As to the bank, placed in the circumstances in which I and those with whom I acted were, I do not see how we could have acted differently, even with our present experience. The time for reformation in reference to the currency had not then arrived; and any attempt at reform would have proved abortive. But I offer not what I have said as a justification; I acknowledge we all departed, in a greater or less degree, from the stern and rigid principles of the party, and the true policy of the government, and well have we paid the penalty. It has taught me a lesson never to be forgotten, and I now call on the younger and more inexperienced members of the party, as I then was, to profit by our example. Avoid, as you would the greatest evil, the least departure from principle, however harmless and innocent it may at the time appear to be. The smallest departure will prove to be an entering wedge; and the others, differing from you in views and principles, will drive the measure farther than you ever contemplated; just as we have seen our old opponents seize on the tariff, internal improvement, and the bank, to overthrow our principles and to establish their own. Never cease to bear in mind that ours is a limited government, with specific powers; and that if the pre |