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annexed to this report, that there has been a steady and observed, one of the greatest dangers to which the conrapid decline in the price of salt in the Western country sumers of salt would be exposed, is a monopoly of the arsince 1820. At Nashville, Tennessee, in the years 1817, ticle by the dealers on the seaboard, if we depended solely '18, '19, and '20, salt sold from two to three dollars per on a foreign supply. This has been in a great measure bushel of fifty pounds. The present price is 624 cents; prevented by the immense quantity manufactured in the 75 cents is the average price for the past year. At Louis- United States. If an effort was made by speculators to ville, the price, during the season past, has been from 45 raise the price of the foreign article exorbitantly high by to 50 cents. In Madisonville, Indiana, the price, for the monopoly, country dealers would leave it on their hands. past twelve months, has been 50 cents per bushel. At If they should purchase and transport it to the interior, the St. Louis, during, the same period, the price has varied people would not purchase, because a great stock of demesfrom 56 to 62 cents. tic salt is always to be found, or can be easily obtained, at moIt would seem that when the article can be obtained in derate rates. Before this could be exhausted, sales of the abundance at such prices, there is no substantial reason foreign article must be made. Country capital would fail for complaint, more especially when it is mainly owing to in the contest. Prices given to seaboard speculation the domestic supply, produced under the influence of pro- would come down to prices demanded by the domestic artecting duties, and, also, when there is every reason to ticle. Here is the distinct cause why a monopoly by our anticipate a continued reduction if the domestic manufac- seaboard merchants would be wholly unavailing. But turer may be permitted to pursue his course unmolested. should the country depend entirely on the foreign importBy some, it may be supposed, that, if prices are advanc-ations, or chiefly, every one can readily perceive the ed by monopoly or the fluctuations of trade, the manufac- danger to which all classes of consumers would be expos turer can participate in the advantages equally with the ed. Little sympathy would be felt for them by those who dealer in the foreign article. This would be impossible. were gaining fortunes, even at the expense of want and It is only by a regular, steady demand and price that he suffering. The country dealers must purchase, and could can pursue his business. When there will be a glut in safely purchase. The people must buy of the merchant, the market, when scarcity, when monopoly will control, or live without; to no other source of supply could they he cannot foresee. An extraordinary depression in price, look. If the domestic manufacture flourishes, the people for a season, may ruin him. His capital may be wasted can pass by the foreign article with indifference. Those before remunerating prices return. It requires years for along the seacoast can find it there; those in the North the manufacturer to make preparations; the rise of all can find abundance at the great salt works of New York: prices may be effected in a moment. Uncertainty will from thence it is readily distributed, by canals and lakes, prevent the use of establishments already in existence, and to every part of the interior. The West can be supplied new ones will not be undertaken. abundantly from its own resources. Monopoly finds a barrier against its operations in every part of the country. In case of war or interruption of commerce, and foreign supply is withheld, every thing is prepared for an extension to meet every possible want.

The committee cannot discover any object more valuable, more national, more vitally important to the country, than a steady, uniform, abundant, and uncontrollable supply of an article so essential at all times to every rank and condition of life. It should be secured by all reasonable Another reason is offered. The domestic manufacture means which the Government can command. It is easily employs and sustains thousands of our people. They accomplished by a just improvement of the resources have been diverted from other pursuits, already reduced which the nation possesses within itself in the fullest abundance. By pursuing this course, the numerous dangers to which our people are perpetually exposed while de pendent on foreign supply, would be readily averted.

to the lowest point of profit. The people around the manufactories, for a considerable distance, can obtain a supply in exchange for various articles, which they have to spare, and which could not bear transportation to those places where foreign salt is obtained.

The committee would now allude to the effects which clearly have been produced by the domestic manufacture Again: Four or five millions of bushels of salt greatly of salt. On an average for each of the last five years, it multiply domestic exchanges. The operation is generally amounted to about 4,250,000 bushels. Importations for confined to the interior, and most of the direct and immethe same period, annually, have averaged about 5,500,000 diate benefits begin and end there. This, it is true, may bushels; the annual consumption of all kinds, 9,750,000. diminish the business of those engaged in the foreign salt Suppose the domestic manufacture destroyed-the annual trade, and may be the sole cause, in the minds of many, production of 4,250,000 annihilated--what must be the for desiring a total suppression of the domestic manufac consequence? The effect, for a season, might be, per- ture. All know that the sharp eye of foreign commerce haps, to depress prices, because a good supply, both of has watched, and is watching, the progress of domestic foreign and domestic salt, is on hand, waiting the ordinary industry with jealous alarm. In a case like the present, demands of consumption. In anticipation of an advance where the foreign article must, of necessity, pass through in price, the foreign surplus, if any, or even a draught on the hands of the seaboard merchants, it is very natural common supply from abroad, might be made, and thrown that they, like all other classes of people, should suppose into our markets. A momentary glut would take place, that whatever business was profitable to them, must conand depression of price might follow. But another contribute to the general good; that nothing could be useful sequence would rapidly succeed. The domestic produc- to the country unless they shared in the profits. It, theretion of nearly one-half which the country consumes would fore, becomes the duty of the Government to examine the be nearly destroyed, and a limited supply take place. interests of all with strict impartiality, consider them This would, of course, be attended with the highest prices. fairly, and adjust them in a manner best calculated to proBut the work of destruction would be completed. This mote the prosperity of every portion of our country. great necessary of life would depend on foreign labor, fo- The committee considering, also, that the article of salt reign capital, the vicissitudes of foreign trade, and of fo- one of indispensable necessity; that to depend on foreign reign and domestic speculation. The ruins of our manu- nations for a supply would be almost as dangerous as to factories would be a perpetual warning against any further allow them to control the air; that a superintending Provi effort. Should, at some future day, the wants of the dence has placed the means of abundance within the uncountry offer protection, prudence would avoid the allure- disturbed dominion of our own people and Government, it clearly comes within the range of the protecting power and policy. It does not belong to that class of articles on which duties were laid for revenue alone. No one ever

ment to another sacrifice.

The committee would offer another reason in favor of retaining the former duty on foreign salt. As has been

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supposed that the duty on tea, pepper, pimento, cinna- required of a numerous body of our fellow-citizens, and mon, Peruvian bark, capers, and olives, was intended to from the exposure of the whole country to the dangers protect or encourage their production. They have no which have been described, the committee most respectconnexion with the protecting tariff. Duty on these was fully repeat the hope that the House will review its opinion, for revenue; and when revenue is no longer wanted, it as expressed in the act of the last session. Could the Gomay be repealed with perfect safety. But this by no means vernment have given more decisive assurances of support implies that duties which really effectually sustain some to any branch of manufacture than it has to this? Could valuable branch of domestic industry, should be abandon- our fellow-citizens have asked a more solemn pledge of ed. Even a surplus in the treasury would be a lesser evil. support than has been given? It was never urged on the The committee will proceed to consider the measures Government by manufacturers; it was not the result of adopted by the Government in relation to salt, and the anxious and urgent solicitations on their part, but a sponclaims which the manufacturer has to a continued support. taneous movement on the part of the Government itself, The first duty on salt was imposed by the act of Con- to accomplish a great national object. The voice of exgress, in 1789. Its preamble declares, "Whereas it is perience was then heard; its admonitions were then felt; necessary for the support of Government, and for the dis- and it might have been hoped, that, in peace and proscharge of the debts of the United States, and the encou-perity, they would not have been forgotten. ragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be It appears that the capital invested in the manufacture of laid on goods, wares, and merchandises, imported." In salt amounts to about $7,000,000. The product, in 1829, this preamble is found a full and ample recognition of the may be safely estimated at 4,500,000 bushels. The amount power to encourage and protect manufactures, instanta- manufactured in 1830 has already diminished, from alarm neously following the adoption of the constitution. On caused by the recent reduction of duty. The number of salt was laid a duty of six cents per bushel--a duty higher, persons actually engaged is about 3,600. in proportion to the foreign value of the article, than was those immediately dependent, will make an aggregate of laid on almost every other. It must have been well known 14,000. And here it may be remarked, that, to sustain in our early life as a nation, how dangerous and unavailing this great number of people, agricultural products, to an it was to look abroad for a supply. All of the members immense amount, are constantly required. These are obwho composed the Congress of 1789, must have seen the tained in exchange, in a great degree, for the article mamiseries of the revolution; most of them must have largely nufactured. But they are so scattered over the surface of shared in the common sufferings. The policy of encou- our extended country, that the market they afford escapes raging and protecting the domestic manufacture was superficial observation. If they, or a fourth part, were prompted by a full knowledge of the privations of a pa- concentrated at any one point of the country, the effects triot army, in every degree of distress, of the wants of the would be most distinctly apparent. The little army duwhole country. During the last war, also, our farmers, ring the late war stationed on our frontiers, drew supplies the middling classes, and the poor, well remember how for hundreds of miles around it. Our farmers and medear was the price of the article, and how difficult to obtain chanics well knew how great was the market it afforded. Then the Government and people urged on the ma- Had it been dispersed in companies over nineteen States, nufacturer to the greatest exertion; even called it patriotic, like the manufacturers of salt, the effects would have been and promised faithful, cordial, and lasting support. If, scarcely perceptible, although, in the aggregate, equally during the late war and restrictions on foreign commerce, important to the whole country, in furnishing a market with our people suffered less, it must be admitted that it was supplies, as if it had been assembled in one encampment. entirely owing to the vigorous efforts of our manufactur

it.

ers.

But, when open and apparent danger seems to be removed to a distance, appeals are often made to the supposed interests of the middling classes and the poor, to sacrifice those who provided for their wants in the time of their utmost need.

They, with

The committee cannot avoid the repetition of the statement, that the duty of twenty cents was laid as early as 1797, and continued, with but a single interruption, to 1830. At the time of that interruption, the manufacture had scarcely commenced. From 1813 to the last session, a period of seventeen years, during which time the proBy the act of August, 1790, the duty on foreign salt tecting tariff having undergone repeated changes and was advanced to twelve cents the bushel. In 1797, the modifications, the duty on salt has been undisturbed and duty on each bushel was twenty cents. This act remained untouched. During this period of seventeen years, the in force for ten years. In 1807, all duties on salt were manufacture has been rapidly increasing, and the quality abolished. The committee are advised from the best au- daily improved by advancing skill and continued expethority, that no reduction of prices was the consequence. rience. Why, then, should so many thousands of our By the act of July, 1813, the duty of twenty cents per fellow-citizens be abandoned at a time when they supposed bushel was again imposed, to take effect on the 1st Janua- themselves reposing in perfect security under the protectry, 1814, and to continue in operation until the end of the ing shield of their Government? It is a republican Gothen existing war, and one year afterwards. By the act vernment, and bound to protect its citizens in their various of April, 1816, on a general revision of the tariff, the duty pursuits, and most especially when that Government has of twenty cents per bushel on salt was made perpetual. allured them to engage in new occupations, which are The tariff of 1816 was intended to provide a revenue, and giving every promise of success, and are contributing at the same time to be so adjusted as to give efficient pro- largely to the independence of the country. When orders tection to the different branches of manufacture which had in council from England, and decrees of Napoleon, exposed sprung into existence from previous protection, or from neutral commerce to every peril on the ocean, our merrestrictions on commerce, or from the war itself. The chants, with open eyes, encountered all hazards. Their tariff, as a protecting system, since 1816, has been twice enterprise exposed them to spoliations. Aided by a generevised, and at each time the protecting duties have been ral sympathy, the help of Government has been repeataugmented on almost every article of foreign production edly invoked to their assistance. Its utmost exertions have which came in competition with the domestic manufac- been made, and are now making, to obtain indemnity. ture, excepting the single article of salt. The duty on Appeals have been often made to the honor and dignity of that is now twenty cents per bushel, the same as was laid the nation, to demand redress, even by arms. by the act of 1797, repealed in 1807, and re-enacted in mittee hope thousands of humble manufacturers of salt 1813. From this brief history of our legislation on the may be objects of national regard. subject; from the deep root which the manufacture of salt has taken in the country; from the sacrifices about to be

The com

The committee will refer to an argument which has been used, and which, it is supposed, was attended with con

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siderable influence: it was the imposition of a duty of tion is no longer required. If this is correct, the artwelve and one-half cents per bushel, by the State of New gument exhausts itself. If the domestic article has beYork, on all salt manufactured in her limits. It was sup- come so cheap and abundant as to bear an excise, the reposed by many to be unjust, in a single State, to tax a moval of the foreign duty would produce no practical domestic production, which entered into general use, for effect. Supposed relief could exist only in theoretical the purpose of filling her treasury, when, as they sup- imagination. posed, she was enabled to do so by a duty laid by the General Government on a similar foreign article. Were the interests of that State alone involved, this opinion might be correct. But a wider view must be taken; we must see how far other parts of the Union are concerned.

The committee consider the duty imposed by the Government of New York is both just and equitable. This, it is fully believed, can be sustained, without resorting to the particular interests of that State for assistance.

But the committee are fully convinced that no manufactory of salt, of any importance, could bear taxation, except that in the State of New York. The causes are apparent. One is, the superior quality of the salines, and the inexhaustible supply of mineral water which they af ford; another, the extended and unceasing market found along the great Western lakes, along the valley of Lake Champlain and the Hudson, through the interior of the State. Hence, a capital of above three millions of dollars The great canal policy of New York has been executed. has been invested, and labor stimulated to its utmost exerAs was anticipated by the liberal and expanded views of tion. Another, the facilities afforded by canal navigation her statesmen, the benefits would not, could not, be con- in the transportation of fuel from places at which it is the fined within her own boundaries. They would be carried, most abundantly and most cheaply supplied; but, above in a greater or less proportion, to every part of the Union; all, the ease, the economy, and rapidity, with which it can they would promote, in an ample degree, the commercial be distributed to millions of consumers, from Champlain operations of our country with the whole world. To a to Green Bay. No other manufacturing establishments in great extent, it equalizes the inequalities of nature. It the United States enjoy these advantages in so great a deplaces our people of the interior, in some degree, in pos-gree. A tax, which may be safely laid on the manufacsession of comforts and enjoyments, which, without it, ture in that State, would prostrate every other manufac would be confined to those who occupy the banks of some tory in the Union. It would, therefore, seem unreasonafrith of the ocean. ble to subject all the manufacturing establishments of the Among other considerations which urged on the com-country to the pains and penalties of destruction, because pletion of the Erie canal, were the benefits to be derived New York, at the price of enormous expenditures on her from the improvement of the rich salt springs near the own account, has improved her natural resources beyond centre of the State. Unless in time of war or commercial any other State; especially when, with the duty imposed, embarrassments, when the article of salt could command she furnishes the article of salt as cheap as it can be supany price which want and suffering could pay, they were plied from any other source. That State has a perfect of little value to the State or the country at large. Hence right, and possesses the power, to counteract the effects was derived one of the strongest inducements to perform of national legislation on this subject. If it is exercised, that great work. The effect has fully answered expecta-none have just reason to complain. tion. Every farmer, the middling classes, and the poor, The committee do not suppose that every manufactory now enjoy a full proportion of the advantages which have of salt in the United States will be destroyed, if the act of the last session should take full effect. Some few possess

resulted.

In 1829, the quantity of salt manufactured in that State such natural advantages, that they may continue in full or was 1,291,000 bushels, or nearly one-seventh of all con-partial operation. But it is considered that the greatest sumed in the United States. This, by inland navigation, proportion must surrender to inevitable ruin. is added to the common stock of the country, and tends It has been repeatedly urged, that the quality of domesto diminish the common price to the consumer. Before tic salt is decidedly inferior to the foreign, and wholly unthe canals were constructed, our farmers remember that fit for some of the most important uses for which it is rethey cheerfully paid six or seven dollars per barrel for quired. Some suppose it wants strength; others, that it is Onondaga salt of a miserable quality; now they obtain a combined with ingredients which render its use unsafe. superior article for one-third of that price. The differ- This might have been partially true in the beginning of ence in price is mainly caused by the difference in ex- its manufacture, when skill and experience had not been pense between land and water transportation. If the acquired; but no person of intelligence is now unacquaintErie canal had not been completed, the manufacture would ed with the great perfection to which the article is brought. have been trifling, and the benefits confined to narrow The best qualities are now produced on the seacoast in limits. In times of scarcity, produced by any cause, the Massachusetts, at the salt springs of New York, and at people of the great Northern section of the country could some of the salines of the Western country. They have have no relief from that source, unless at the most enor-stood the most rigid tests of analysis, and are found to posmous expense. Now, happen what may, they are secure sess even greater purity than the foreign article. This is of an abundant supply, at reasonable prices. just beginning to be understood in the country at large.

It cannot, therefore, be unreasonable or unjust in the The domestic salt, at first, like all new productions in any State of New York to demand some remuneration for her country, was undoubtedly defective. Prejudices existed exertions and expenditures from those who participate so against it, which required time to remove. The great largely in the advantages which have been produced. The mass of the people are slow and cautious in changing their tax sinks into insignificance when the causes of its impo- pursuits, or the use of any valuable article to which they sition are understood. To require a surrender of the duty are accustomed, and in which they have confidence. at this time, and under circumstances which have been These prejudices are rapidly giving way in favor of doexplained, is clearly inequitable and unjust. When the mestic salt; and if the manufacture may be permitted to canals were first finished, and while their first benefits were advance, it will, the committee are fully convinced, obtain flowing wide, then the State tax on salt was never made a decided preference by all classes of consumers. the subject of complaint. What was considered, a few It is natural, in a country like the United States, where years ago, a just and honest claim, is now, in the minds of the people engage in their pursuits with unparalleled ac many, nothing short of palpable oppression. tivity and ardor, that anxiety should exist to see evely It is also urged, that, if the State of New York can lay object which may be undertaken most rapidly accom a duty on the domestic article, it affords evidence that the plished. The development of skill, as applied to the use manufacture has gained such an ascendancy that protec- ful arts, often becomes too tardy for excited hope and ex

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pectation; and, unless perfection is obtained at a single quate to a sufficiently rapid development of the resources effort, apprehensions are felt that it can never be ac- of the country; and, on the 30th September, 1797, Conquired. In other countries, numerous branches of manu-gress augmented the duty on foreign salt to twenty cents factures required centuries to bring them to their present per bushel.

state of improvement. Many of them have been equalled, The great variety, however, of commercial objects if not surpassed, in the United States, within twenty or which then attracted the limited capital of the country, thirty years; others are advancing with a steady pace, and left but little for investments in manufactures of any kind; with perfect certainty will be successful, if the Govern- and salt remained among the most languid. Under these ment will adhere to the policy which it has given the most circumstances, the experiment was made during Mr. Jefsolemn pledges to maintain. The protecting policy is not ferson's administration, when the resources of the Governintended solely for the present day, but to operate during ment were superabundant, and but little capital invested national existence. in salt making, of introducing supplies from abroad, without charge; and, by the act of 3d March, 1807, all salt imported into the United States after the 31st of December

The manufacture of salt has been in operation but little more than fifteen years. Its progress has been as great and beneficial as could have been expected. It had never in that year was declared free of duty. been more productive in quantity, or more improved in Happily was it for the interest of the country that this quality, than at the time of the passage of the law in ques-experiment was made! Salt was imported, without imtion. Preparations were extensively making, in various post, from the 1st of January, 1808, until the 1st of Januparts of the country, for a great and continued extension. ary, 1814; and we affirm, without the fear of contradicThese have been arrested, and are now waiting the deci- tion, that the article was higher throughout the United sion of the Government on the application for relief. States during those six years, than during any period of Upon this will depend renewed exertion, or a general the same length, from the close of the war of the revoluabandonment of the manufacture. tion up to the present time. But this interesting fact will While the committee are of opinion that the passage of be again adverted to, and more fully examined. the law of the last session was impolitic, much evil may During the late war, the disastrous effects of relying be averted by a repeal of so much as remains to take ef- upon others, in time of peace, for an article which enters fect. The manufacture may struggle on and survive. The so essentially into the very existence of civilized society, experiment can be made, under a reliance that the wis-and the baneful influence that had followed the abandondom of Congress will be exercised as any future occasion ment of the attempt to bring the resources of a home supmay require. ply into useful development, and their products to an elevation somewhat commensurate to the national demand, became strongly apparent to all; and, under the liberal and enlarged national policy which then marked the course of the executive and legislative departments of the Govern salt was renewed, and, by the act of the 20th July, 1813, ment, the duty of twenty cents per bushel on imported was reimposed on all salt imported after the 1st of January, 1814. It may not be unworthy of remark, that the same act which renewed this duty, gave the drawbacks and bounties for the encouragement of the fisheries, by The manufacturers of salt in the county of Kenhawa, which that important source of national wealth, and inin the Commonwealth of Virginia, have seen, with the valuable school of seamen, has been sustained and premost serious apprehensions and concern, the proceedings served to the Union. This act, although rendered temhad in Congress at its last session, in relation to the pro-porary by the limitation which it contained, was, in 1816, tective duty which heretofore sustained and extended the made permanent. salt business in the United States.

The committee, therefore, report a bill to repeal so much of "An act to reduce the duty on salt," passed May 29, 1830, as has not gone into operation.

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Memorial of the manufacturers of salt in Kenhawa coun-
ty, Virginia, praying for a restoration of the duty on
imported salt.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled:

The close of the long and sanguinary war which had They had not been inattentive to the manifestations of desolated Europe for nearly a quarter of a century, unfriendly feelings towards this branch of American in-brought into the field of foreign commerce a host of comdustry; and took early measures, by which they placed be-petitors, by which the profits on commercial capital prefore the Government some of the facts and reasons tend-viously employed in foreign trade became greatly lessening, as they thought, to show that the home manufacture ed, and its owners, secking for it more secure and advanta of salt could not be given up to a less restrained foreign geous employment, turned their attention to manufactures. competition, without eminently endangering the home re- In estimating the safety and security with which such sources for one of the most important and essential arti-investments might be made, it could not escape the sagacles of domestic use and public interest; and their memo- city of the more observing part of the community, that rial, now on the files of Congress, and printed by order of the genius of the Government had steadily and permanentthe Senate of the 21st of January, 1828, is most respect-ly tended to the protection and fostering of our manufacfully referred to, and its consideration carnestly solicited. tories, particularly such as relieved us from dependence The duty on salt, as a source of revenue, and as an en- on foreign nations for supplies of commodities of primary couragement to domestic enterprise in its production, is necessity. coeval with the Government.

The first Congress which assembled under our present constitution, by an act, approved by the President on the 20th of July, 1789, imposed a duty of six cents per bushel on all salt imported into the States. The same Congress, at their next session, by an act of the 10th August, 1790, increased the duty to twelve cents per bushel.

The earliest operations of Congress had uniformly coupled the encouragement and protection of manufacturcs with the support of Government, and the discharge of the national debt. General Washington, in December, 1796, had used the following language:

"Congress have repeatedly, and not with success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufacThese enactments laid the foundation for the experi-tures. The object is of too much consequence not to enments which were made in the production of salt along sure a continuance of their efforts, in every way which our Eastern coast, and added additional stimulus to the re- shall appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures, searches making in the West for the discovery of supplies on public account, are inexpedient. But where the state of this necessary of life. of things in a country leaves little hope that certain

The encouragement, however, was not deemed ade-branches of manufacture will, for a great length of time,

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Mr. Monroe, equally devoted to the great interest of the republic, and earnestly desirous of placing the American people beyond the reach of foreign control, as to the necessaries and comforts of life, pressed the subject upon Congress in terms the most decisive.

obtain, when these are of a nature essential to the fur- therefore, to the prompt and constant guardianship of nishing and equipping of the public force in time of war, Congress.” are not establishments for procuring them on public account, to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service, recommended by strong considerations of national policy, as an exception to the general rule? Ought our country to remain, in such cases, dependent on foreign supply, precarious, because liable to be interruptMr. Jefferson, in 1808, less than two years after the repeal of the salt duty, pressed upon Congress the necessity of protecting duties, as the only means of rendering our manufactories permanent, in the following strong and de

ed?"

Extract from Mr. Monroe's message of 4th March, 1821.

"It cannot be doubted that the more complete our internal resources, and the less dependent we are on foreign Powers for any national as well as domestic purpose, the greater and more stable will be the public felicity. By cisive terms: the increase of domestic manufactures will the demand for "The suspension of our foreign commerce, produced the raw materials at home be increased, and thus will the by the injustice of the belligerent Powers, and the conse-dependence of the several parts of our Union on each quent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of other, and the strength of the Union itself, be proportionjust concern. The situation into which we have thus been ably augmented."

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forced, has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry Again, in his message of December 2d, 1823, he says: and capital to internal manufactures and improvements. "Under this impression, I recommended a review of The extent of this conversion is daily increasing; and little the tariff, for the purpose of affording such additional prodoubt remains that the establishments formed, and form-tection to those articles which we are prepared to manuing, will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and sub- facture, or which are more immediately connected with sistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and the defence and independence of our country." of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent. The same gentleman, in 1816, when unconnected with the Government, and indulging in a retired and calm review of the policy of the country, with all that ardent devotion to the liberty, independence, and prosperity of the American people, which so strongly characterized him through life, poured forth his feelings in glowing terms to his friend, as follows:

After a

The uniform views of the Executive branch of our Government did not, however, constitute the only guaranty on which the capitalists relied for the permanent security of their investments in the manufacture of salt. In the year 1818, a committee of the House of Representatives was charged with inquiring into the expediency and propriety of repealing or reducing the duty on salt. patient and full examination of the subject in all its rela"We have experienced what we did not then believe, tions, that committee, through its chairman, Mr. Lowndes, that there exists both profligacy and power enough to ex-placed its veto on the proposition, in which the House of clude us from the field of interchange with other nations; Representatives concurred. Mr. Crawford, then at the that, to be independent for the comforts of life, we must head of the Treasury Department, was also applied to for fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the manu- his opinion of the policy which the salt duty created and facturer by the side of the agriculturist. The former sustained; and his reply to the House of Representatives question is suppressed, or rather assumes a new form. was decisive of its preservation, so far as the opinion of that The grand inquiry now is, shall we make our own com- distinguished statesman could influence the opinions and forts, or go without them at the will of a foreign nation? policy of the country. He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufactures, must be for reducing us either to a dependence on that nation, or be clothed in skins, and to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am proud to say I am not one of these."

Mr. Madison's frequent exhortations to protect and foster the several branches of manufacture which had been recently instituted or extended by the laudable exertions of his fellow-citizens, are numerous; and from among them the following are selected:

At this period the most sceptical gave up their doubts; the most timid relinquished their fears of an oscillating policy on the part of the Government, in relation to the manufacture of salt. The early and increased protection given to the home production of this indispensable article by the first and fifth Congress; the concurrent opinions of all who had administered the Government, from its foundation upwards, with the exception of Mr. Jefferson's experiment, the history of which furnishes the most obvious security against its repetition; the deliberate determination of the Government, in 1818, to render the country indeExtract from Mr. Madison's message of November 29, 1809. pendent of foreign and uncertain supplies, by giving per"In a cultivation of the materials, and the extension of manent security to the domestic manufacture, induced the useful manufactures, more especially in the general appli- most liberal investments in salt making. New sources of cation to household fabrics, we behold a rapid diminution supply were sought out: old establishments, organized to of our dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it unwor- meet the pressing and perhaps temporary demands occathy of reflection, that this revolution in our pursuits and sioned by the war, underwent extensive renovation, adapthabits is in no slight degree a consequence of those impo- ing them to permanent use and more economical operalitic and arbitrary edicts, by which the contending nations, tions. New establishments grew up in every quarter, unin endeavoring each of them to obstruct our trade with the til scarce a State in the Union is now without salt furnaces other, have so far abridged our means of procuring the or salt vats! productions and manufactures of which our own are now taking the place."

In his message of the 18th February, 1815, he uses the following earnest language:

During the revision of the tariff laws in 1824 and 1828, no serious purpose was manifested from any quarter to reduce or abolish the protection given to domestic salt; so that the previous confidence reposed in the apparently "There is no subject which can enter with greater settled policy of the Government annually acquired force into the deliberations of Congress, than a considera- strength, and led to corresponding expenditures in this tion of the means to preserve and promote the manufac-branch of business.

tures which have sprung into existence, and attained an This delusive state of security became so universal, that, unparalleled maturity, throughout the United States, du- at the close of the last year, the investments in salt making ring the period of the European wars. This source of na- could not have been less than six millions of dollars; nor tional independence and wealth I anxiously recommend, could the number of persons in the United States, sustained

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