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IRAQ: WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS

TUESDAY, JUNE 15, 2004

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY, EMERGING
THREATS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS,

COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT REFORM,

Washington, DC.

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in room 2247, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Christopher Shays (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.

Present: Representatives Shays, Turner, Platts, Kucinich, and Maloney.

Staff present: Lawrence Halloran, staff director and counsel; R. Nicholas Palarino, senior policy advisor; Robert Briggs, clerk; Richard Lundberg, detailee; Andrew Su, minority professional staff member; and Christopher Davis, minority investigator.

Mr. SHAYS. A quorum being present, the Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats and International Relations hearing entitled, "Iraq: Winning Hearts and Minds" is called to order.

Almost 1 year after the capture of Saddam Hussein, the hard lessons of liberation are coming into sharper relief. For many Iraqis, euphoria over the fall of the tyrant has decayed into disappointment over the pace of reconstruction. Eagerness to embrace long suffering suppressed freedoms has become impatience over halfmeasures and interim organizations that look and act more Western than Iraqi. Welcomed liberators are now viewed in some quarters as resented occupiers. Why?

In the course of five visits to post-Saddam Iraq, my staff and I asked the same questions. Four of those visits were sponsored by nongovernment organizations [NGO's], allowing us to travel outside the military umbrella that can sometimes shield Members of Congress from useful information not included in the official briefing slides. Across Iraq, we saw families and communities celebrating weddings, building schools, and trying to weave the fabric of civil society from disparate, often conflicting, ethnic, religious, and political threats. We also saw a rigid, centralized Coalition Provisional Authority [CPA] at times succumbing to hubris and condescension in dealing with the sovereign people it was created to serve. Many Iraqis noticed.

In that hostile terrain, our accomplishments whither quickly while our errors are grotesquely magnified. Conveying American good intentions through the cacophony of competing tribal, religious, and factional voices requires patience and a cultural sen

sitivity that were apparently not part of the original war plan. So today we ask: What have we learned about how a newly sovereign Iraq will perceive U.S. words and actions? How do we reach the Iraqi people?

Our previous oversight of post-war humanitarian assistance and public diplomacy in Iraq pointed to the need for clarity, persistence, and humility in that unforgiving, volatile part of the world. The perceived dissonance between American rhetoric and actions breeds mistrust at home and in Iraq about why we are there and how long we will stay. The same lack of strategic clarity causes others to doubt our will to see the mission through. And when we forget why we are there, when we forget it is their revolution not ours, we allow ourselves to be portrayed as arrogant agents of empire rather than as trustees of noble ideals.

Today we welcome three panels of most distinguished witnesses who bring first-hand experience and invaluable expertise to our continuing oversight of U.S. efforts to reach the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people. We asked for their insights and analyses of U.S. efforts to secure, stabilize, rebuild, and foster civil discourse and democracy in post-Saddam Iraq.

We very much appreciate the participation of Ms. Rend AlRahim, the Iraqi Representative to the United States. Thank you for being here. She brings a unique perspective to these important issues. We look forward to her testimony and that of all of our wit

nesses.

I will just say before recognizing the ranking member, it is our custom to swear in all witnesses. But we do make rare exceptions. In one instance I chickened out, for example, and could not bring myself to ask Senator Byrd to take the oath. But in other instances and in deference to protocol, we also do not administer the oath to international diplomats and international civil servants who agree to provide information to this subcommittee. So we will not be swearing in our first witness. But I cannot tell you how grateful we are that you are here.

At this time, the Chair would recognize Mr. Kucinich, the ranking member of this subcommittee. Thank you, Mr. Kucinich.

[The prepared statement of Hon. Christopher Shays follows:]

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Almost one year after the capture of Saddam Hussein, the hard lessons of liberation are coming into sharper relief. For many Iraqis, euphoria over the fall of the tyrant has decayed into disappointment over the pace of reconstruction. Eagerness to embrace long suppressed freedoms has become impatience over half-measures and interim organizations that look and act more Western than Iraqi. Welcomed liberators are now viewed in some quarters as resented occupiers. Why?

In the course of five visits to post-Saddam Iraq, we asked the same
questions. Four portions those visits were sponsored by nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs), allowing us to travel outside the military umbrella
that can shield Members of Congress from useful information not included
in the official briefing slides. Across Iraq, we saw families and communities
celebrating weddings, building schools and trying to weave the fabric of a
civil society from disparate, often conflicting, ethnic, religious and political
threads. We also saw a rigid, centralized Coalition Provisional Authority
(CPA) at times succumbing to hubris and condescension in dealing with the
sovereign people it was created to serve. Many Iraqis noticed.

Statement of Rep. Christopher Shays

June 15, 2004

Page 2 of 2

In that hostile terrain, our accomplishments wither quickly while our errors are grotesquely magnified. Conveying American good intentions through the cacophony of competing tribal, religious and factional voices requires patience and a cultural sensitivity that were apparently not part of the original war plan. So today we ask: What have we learned about how a newly sovereign Iraq will perceive U.S. words and actions? How do we reach the Iraqi people?

Our previous oversight of post-war humanitarian assistance and public diplomacy in Iraq pointed to the need for clarity, persistence and humility in that unforgiving, volatile part of the world. The perceived dissonance between American rhetoric and actions breeds mistrust at home and in Iraq about why we are there and how long we will stay. The same lack of strategic clarity causes others to doubt our will to see the mission through. And when we forget why we're there, when we forget it's their revolution not ours, we allow ourselves to be portrayed as arrogant agents of empire rather than as trustees of noble ideals.

Today we welcome three panels of distinguished witnesses who bring first-hand experience and invaluable expertise to our continuing oversight of U.S. efforts to reach the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people. We asked for their insights and analyses of U.S. efforts to secure, stabilize, rebuild and foster civil discourse and democracy in post-Saddam Iraq.

We very much appreciate the participation of Ms. Rend al-Rahim Francke, the Iraqi Representative to the United States. She brings a unique perspective to these important issues. We look forward to her testimony and that of all our witnesses.

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