or along the line of inter-racial mating which will finally lead to the establishment of an international brotherhood of man both racial and social.

Mendelism promises to be to heredity and its problems what Dalton was to chemistry, namely, to establish the laws of fixed proportions. Professor Davenport's little book should be read by all interested in the problems of race improvement.

CAROL ARONOVICI

BROWN UNIVERSITY

Privilege and Democracy in America. By FREDERICK C. HOWE, PH.D. New York: Scribner, 1910. Pp. xii+315. Price $1.50.

"The first man," says Rousseau, "who, having inclosed a piece of ground, undertook to say, 'This is mine,' and found people simple enough to believe him, was the true founder of civil society." And this man, he says, is responsible for all the crimes, wars, murders, and misery that the human race has had to endure. Dr. Howe might very well have closed each chapter of his book by paraphrasing Cato's words into, "Private ownership of land must be abolished."

The evils under which America is now suffering, he declares, are not due to law-breakers but to law-makers. All our ills may be traced to one of four evils-monopoly of land, private ownership of the highways of the nation, the tariff, and franchises. All these are mothers of monopoly and of these private ownership of land is easily chief, for out of this grows the coal, iron, oil, copper, gas, and timber monopolies. We read of famines in India and Russia, but there is a famine in New York, Chicago, Pittsburgh, and St. Louis today when men, women, and children go hungry. This is not because men are less productive than formerly; on the contrary they produce more. In handling looms a man can produce as much as three hundred men could in 1769; in cotton-spinning, as much as three hundred and twenty; in making shoes, as much as a thousand men. In the cities the per-capita production is greatest and here we should expect the most universal well-being. Far from it. Instead "one-quarter of the people are hovering upon the border-line of want or are actually engulfed in poverty."

The explanation is that men are working for landlords just as

they did in the days of feudalism. No man is bound to any particular piece of soil, but there is no particular piece of soil he can make his own. Speculators buy it up and hold for higher prices. It is estimated that one-half the land in our cities is thus withheld from its most productive use. In consequence land values mount. But this is not wealth, for wealth ministers to the welfare of society. Instead it is a heavy tax on well-being, for rents mount up and the laborer must turn over to the landlords an ever-increasing proportion of his products. The press occasionally heralds a 10 per cent increase in wages; in Massachusetts rents increased 52.43 per cent in five years. The average production of wealth is $1,172.20, but $300 of it goes for rent, consumption taxes, and monopoly charges.

The evil of the private ownership of land manifests itself in another form through the railways. In ten years the capitalization increased nearly $6,000,000,000, a large part of which was due to land values and not to extensions or improvements. Our street railways are capitalized at $139.778.70 a mile, which is from two to three times the cost of construction. The rest is franchise value. Only two remedies are possible, industrial socialism and industrial freedom. From Plato to Karl Marx men have dreamed of the former, but it was left to Henry George to discover the road to industrial liberty-by taxing the entire rent value of land which would in effect abolish private ownership. Confiscation? "Surely society owes nothing to him who merely monopolizes that which all men want and which all men must have to live."

Such in outline is the thought of Dr. Howe's book. It is a strong statement of present-day conditions and a stirring appeal in behalf of the ideas of Henry George. But the solution of some problems which naturally arise out of, and are fundamental to, such an arrangement are scarcely touched upon at all. The reader is impressed at times with what appears to be a careless use of figures. And there are a few misleading statements, such as the reference to the burning of cotton to raise the price, and an occasional inaccuracy, such as the reference to the compact between Charles II (sic) and the land-owners in Parliament in 1692. But all in all the book is a strong one and a worthy companion to its predecessor of a similar character.

DAVID Y. THOMAS

UNIVERSITY OF ARKANSAS

The Making of Species. By DoUGLAS DEWAR AND FRANK FINN. London: John Lane, The Bodley Head, 1909. Pp. xix+400, with 12 figures.

The purpose of this book is well expressed in the Preface by the statement of the authors that each had a feeling that the problems of the origin of species had not been settled, and alone each one felt unable to attack and settle so momentous a question; but apparently they found strength in union and have attempted to settle the question of species-making. Most naïve is their statement given on p. 7 of the Introduction: "Our aim in writing this book has been twofold: In the first place, we have attempted to place before the general public in simple language a true statement of the present position of biological science. In the second place, we have endeavored to furnish the scientific men of the day with food for reflection."

Certain it is that the scientific men of England must be highly complimented by being provided with food for reflection by a pair of amateur ornithologists. On p. 8 we are informed that Great Britain is losing her scientific supremacy, and on p. 9 we find the statement that the authors are not attacking Darwinism, but neoDarwinism, which is characterized as a pathological growth on Darwinism, which, according to the authors, "can only be removed by a surgical operation," but we are not informed anywhere in the volume as to the nature of this operation.

Some idea of the contents of the book can be gained from the headings of the chapters. Chap. i, entitled "The Rise of the Theory of Natural Selection and Its Subsequent Development," is mainly historical, and is principally devoted to the neo-Darwinian situation. Chap. ii, "Some of the More Important Objections to the Theory of Natural Selection," contains absolutely nothing new, and is at best a crude rehash of the various objections urged against natural selection during the last half-century. Chap. iii, dealing with "Variation," shows an even less clear idea of the problems involved; certain it is that the position of DeVries and Bateson is anything but clearly understood. A number of instances of "mutations" among birds. are cited, which instances are nothing more nor less than the most trivial variations, without any information whatsoever as to whether the variations breed true. Chap. iv, on "Hybridism," is essentially a half-century behind the times. Chap. v, on "Inheritance," where they wish to be profound and far seeing, falls quite flatly into the

neo-Darwinian camp by the acceptance of the theory of biological molecules, whatever they may be. Chap. vi, on "The Coloration of Organisms," is about the sort of thing one would expect from amateur ornithologists. Chap. vii, on "Sexual Dimorphism," has nothing to commend it. It is essentially a rehash of the work of Thompson and Geddes. The final chapter, viii, on "The Factors of Evolution," is probably the best chapter in the entire volume. It states in a fairly correct, but not very concise manner, something of what we now know concerning the factors operative in evolution.

The work as a whole has no excuse for its existence. The authors are evidently not alive to the developments in the field of evolution in recent years, and the illustrations are little less than abominable. Certainly in a work which is intended for the general reader, and which purports to deal with the problem of evolution broadly, there can be no excuse whatsoever for limiting the illustrations to twelve very mediocre figures of unimportant birds, which really illustrate nothing.

The book work is good, and the publishers are to be commended for the care and the good workmanship which have been put into the book, but it seems a shame that so much effort should be expended on a volume of so little use, either to the scientific public, or to the general reader.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

W. L. TOWER

Biography of American Statesmanship. An Analytical Reference Syllabus. By GEORGE ELLIOT HOWARD, PH.D., Professor of Political Science and Sociology in the University of Nebraska. Published by the University, 1909.

This is an attempt to arrange the subject-matter for the careers of American statesmen in such form that students may easily grasp the significance of each and understand what the contributions of each career to American politics have been. The names selected are such as must meet universal approval and the significant contributions are not overlooked or substituted out by matters of less moment. As an experiment in teaching, this method of analysis seems to have been successful. But teaching is such an evasive art that it is difficult to prescribe rules or method. Teaching is inspiration. What enables one teacher to succeed might be useless to another; but any general text, or collection of readings or syllabus

like Professor Howard's may be of much service. An excellent feature of this syllabus is the listing under the name of each great leader of the principal and standard biographies or collections of writings bearing upon the subjects to be taught.

WILLIAM E. DODD

Chinese Immigration. By MARY ROBERTS COOLIDGE, formerly Associate Professor of Sociology, Stanford University. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1909. I vol. Pp. x+531. This work is devoted to the study and analysis of the Chinese and the Chinese problem in America, with a critical history of the agitation, enactment, and administration of the treaties and laws. relating to the subject.

In tracing the history of the Chinese agitation, the writer shows that it originated in the greed and unfounded prejudice of the early settlers of California, a prejudice which the politicians were quick to see and cultivate as a political issue. In a critical examination of the California Senate Memorial to Congress in 1876, bitterly denouncing the Celestials, the author shows that the committee was composed of the strongest anti-Chinese agitators, that the witnesses examined were mainly local police officers, petty politicians, and hoodlums, and that the memorial was a gross misrepresentation of existing conditions. A similar inquiry into the investigation of the congressional committee in 1876 showed a packed committee, a partisan investigation, and the widest discrepancies between the evidence received and the report rendered. Such, the author points out, were the sources of information relied on by our legislators and accepted without question by an unthinking public.

The review of the legislative history and debates of the various Chinese measures and treaties, and the contemporary expressions of public opinion, together with an analysis of the political situation in the West, leads the reader to the irresistible conclusion that these measures, though violating the solemn promises of the nation, were passed for the mere purpose of throwing political sop to the western states on the eve of national elections.

The life and character of the Chinese and their relation to the economic conditions of California are discussed in considerable detail, refuting many charges of the Chinese antagonists. In con