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The Hispanic Population in the United States: March 1991

INTRODUCTION

This report presents data on the demographic, social, and economic characteristics of the Hispanic origin population in the United States. The Bureau of the Census collected this information in the March 1991 supplement to the Current Population Survey (CPS).2 The results in this report do not reflect population controls from the 1990 Census. In addition, this report highlights differences in selected characteristics of Hispanics compared to March 1983. This year was selected as a benchmark for comparison for two reasons. First, the previous recessionary period ended in late 1982, and the most recent began in July of 1990. Using the March 1983 CPS as a basis for comparison allows us to assess how Hispanics have fared during the beginning and end of the last economic recovery period. Second, 1982 was the first year in which the Census Bureau introduced Hispanic population controls based on the 1980 Census, which improved the reliability of the CPS data on Hispanics. Some of the principal findings are summarized below.

HIGHLIGHTS

• The labor force participation rate of Hispanic origin males in March 1991 was higher than that of nonHispanic males (78 percent ±1.2 vs 74 percent ±0.4). The labor force participation rate of nonHispanic females was higher higher than that of Hispanic females (57 percent ±0.4 and 51 percent ±1.3).

• The proportion of Hispanics, 25 years old and over who had completed 4 years of high school or more was 51 percent (±1.4) in 1991 as compared to about 46 percent (±1.7) in 1983.

1 The population universe in the March 1991 CPS is the civilian noninstitutional population of the United States and members of the Armed Forces in the United States living off post or with their families on post, but excludes all other members of the Armed Forces.

2 Data on earnings, income and poverty in this report refer to the calendar year prior to the survey. For example, income information collected in March 1991 refer to calendar year 1990.

• The aggregate before tax money income of Hispanic households in 1990 was 173 billion (±5.5 billion) dollars and about 5 percent (±0.1) of the total aggregate household income of the United States. This figure was an increase of 70 billion dollars (+6.7 billion) in real terms since 1982. The aggregate after tax income of Hispanic households was 144 billion (±5.5 billion) and about 5 percent (±0.2) of the U.S. total after tax income.

• A higher proportion of Hispanic families (14.7 percent +1.2) and households (13.4 percent ±1.1) had income of $50,000 or more in 1990 than in 1982 (11.8 percent 1.4 and 10.6 percent ±1.2, respectively), even after adjusting for the increase in the cost of living during the period.

• Over one third (38.4 percent ±2.9) of Hispanic children were living in poverty in 1990 as compared to about one fifth (18.3 percent ±0.8) of non-Hispanic children. Among Hispanic subgroups, about one half of the children of Puerto Rican origin were living in poverty (56.7 percent ±8.5).

• Of the total persons in poverty in 1990, the proportion who were children under 18 years of age was larger for Hispanics (47.7 percent ±3.3) than for nonHispanics (38.3 percent ±1.5).

HISPANIC POPULATION COMPOSITION

NOTE: CPS estimates of the Hispanic origin population shown in this report are inflated to national totals using weights derived from independent post-census estimates. These post-census estimates of the Hispanic population were used to eliminate fluctuations in the CPS estimates of the size of the total Hispanic population resulting from sampling variability. In addition, the independent estimates provide a post-census time series of data comparable with the 1980 census information for Hispanics. Independent estimates were developed only for the size of the total Hispanic population and not for subgroups of the Hispanic population. Consequently, figures on the number of persons in each of the Hispanic subgroups, as well as the social and economic characteristics shown in this report, remain subject to sampling error and random annual fluctuations. The size of the Hispanic origin population and its subgroups in this report do not include population controls from the 1990 census results, which is a complete count of the population.

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In March 1991, the estimate of the Hispanic origin population in the United States was about 21.4 million, or about 8.6 percent of the total population.3 The Hispanic population consisted of the following groups: 62.6 percent (±.88) Mexican 11.1 percent (±.57) Puerto Rican 4.9 percent (±.39) Cuban origin

13.8 percent (±.63) Central and South American 7.6 percent (±.48) Other Hispanic4

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PERSONS

Age. The age data from the March 1991 CPS shows the Hispanic origin population to be younger than the nonHispanic population. About 30 percent of Hispanics were under 15 years of age, for example, compared to 22 percent of non-Hispanics. Conversely, about twice as many non-Hispanics (22 percent) were 55 years of age or older compared to Hispanics (11 percent, see table 1).

The median age of the Hispanic origin population (26.2 years) in 1991 was about 2 years older than it was in 1983 (24.3 years), but still 8 years younger than the 1991 median age of the non-Hispanic population (33.8 years). In March 1991 the median age among the Hispanic subgroups varied from the high of 39.3 years for the Cuban population (about 6 years older than that of non-Hispanics) to the low of 24.3 years for the Mexican subgroup. The Puerto Rican, Central and South American and Other Hispanic populations recorded median ages of 26.7, 27.9 and 31.0 years of age, respectively (table 1).

Educational attainment. Hispanics made modest gains in educational attainment in the 1980's. In March 1983, about 16 percent of Hispanics age 25 and over, had completed less than 5 years of schooling, while in March 1991 that percentage was about 13 percent. The proportion of Hispanics who had completed 4 years of high school or more was about 46 percent in 1983 and about 51 percent in 1991. In 1983, 8 percent of Hispanics had completed 4 or more years of college compared to about 10 percent in 1991 (table A).

3The 1990 Census recorded 22,354,059 Hispanic persons, a difference of 917,000 from the March 1991 CPS civilian noninstitutional population. In 1993 the Census Bureau will introduce Hispanic population controls based on the 1990 Census.

"Unless otherwise noted, persons reporting "Other Hispanic" origin are those whose origins are from Spain, or they are Hispanic persons identifying themselves generally as Hispanic, Spanish, SpanishAmerican, Hispano, Latino, and so on.

5The difference between the median age of Hispanics of Puerto Rican and Central and South American origin is not statistically significant.

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Occupation. In March 1991, the occupational distribution of employed Hispanics and non-Hispanics differed. For example, the largest share of Hispanic men in March 1991 were employed as operators, fabricators or laborers (29 percent). Non-Hispanic men, on the other hand, were most likely to have occupations that were managerial and professional (28 percent). The proportion of Hispanic and non-Hispanic men employed in the precision productions, craft and repair industries (about 19 percent for each group) was not statistically different.

Among employed women, the single largest occupational grouping for both Hispanic and non-Hispanic

"Occupation data shown in this report refer to March 1991, and may not necessarily agree with data from other survey months, or with other data produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

women was technical, sales and administrative support occupations (40 percent and 44 percent, respectively). Other differences existed, however, between the occupational distribution of Hispanic and non-Hispanic women. About 16 percent of Hispanic women were employed in managerial and professional specialty occupations compared to 28 percent of non-Hispanic women. About 26 percent of Hispanic origin women were employed in service occupations compared to 17 percent of nonHispanic women. Finally, about twice as many Hispanic women held positions as operators, fabricators and laborers than did non-Hispanic women (14 and 8 percent respectively, see table 2).7

Labor Force Participation. The civilian labor force is composed of persons who are 16 years of age and over, not in the military, and who are employed or are actively looking for work. Given this criteria, the labor force participation rate of Hispanic males in March 1991 was higher than that of non-Hispanic males (78 percent versus 74 percent). In contrast, the labor force participation rate of non-Hispanic females was higher than that of Hispanic females (57 percent and 51 percent, respectively).

When comparing the labor force participation rates of Hispanic women between March 1983 and 1991, an increase is evident. The proportion of Hispanic women in the labor force increased from 47 percent in 1983 to 51 percent in 1991 (table A and figure 1). In contrast, the labor force participation rate of Hispanic males during this period did not change significantly, Hispanic males in 1983 had a labor force participation rate of 79 percent compared to 78 percent in 1991 (figure 2).

Unemployment. In March 1991, eight months into the latest recession that began in July 1990, the unemployment rate of all Hispanics 16 years of age and older was higher than that of non-Hispanics (10.0 percent and 6.9 percent, respectively). However, the 1991 rate for Hispanics was lower than it was in March 1983 near the bottom of the previous recessionary period (16.5 percent) (table A).

The unemployment rate of Hispanic males in March 1991 was higher than that of non-Hispanic males (10.6 percent and 7.8 percent, respectively), but lower than the comparable March 1983 rate (16.6 percent). A similar pattern is evident among females. About 9.2 percent of Hispanic females were unemployed in March

"The difference between Hispanic women employed in managerial and professional specialty occupations and as operators, fabricators, and laborers is not statistically significant.

Labor force status data shown in this report refer to March 1991, and may not necessarily agree with data from other survey months, or with average annual rates produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

1991 compared to 5.9 percent of non-Hispanic females. The unemployment rate of Hispanic females was 16.3 percent in March of 1983.9

Among Hispanic subgroups, there was no statistically significant difference in the unemployment rate for females. Among Hispanic origin males, Cuban and Other Hispanics had the lowest unemployment rates10 (5.2 percent and 5.4 percent, respectively, see table 2).

Marital Status. Hispanics, in March 1991, were more likely than non-Hispanics to be single (32.6 percent and 26.0 percent, respectively). The difference in the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics who are married (56.7 percent and 58.4 percent, respectively) however, was not statistically significant. As a proportion, Hispanics were less likely than non-Hispanics to be either divorced (6.8 percent as compared to 8.3 percent) or widowed (4.0 percent as compared to 7.3 percent), (table 1).

CHARACTERISTICS OF HOUSEHOLDS

According to the March 1991 CPS, there were about 6.2 million households in which the householder was Hispanic. 11,12 This number was an increase of 2.2 million or about 55 percent since the 1980 Census. In March 1991, Hispanic households were about 6.6 percent of all U.S. households compared to 5.0 percent in 1980. The number of Hispanic family households increased about 54 percent while the number of nonfamily households grew about 61 percent.13Among non-Hispanic households, the number of households also increased, but at a slower rate than that for Hispanics, 29 percent for nonfamily versus 10 percent for family households.

9The differences between the unemployment rates of Hispanic males and females in 1983 and 1991 are not statistically significant. 1oThe difference between the unemployment rates of Cuban and Other Hispanic males is not statistically significant.

11The Census Bureau defines a Hispanic household as one in which the householder is Hispanic. The term householder refers to the person (or one of the persons) in whose name the housing unit is owned or rented (maintained), or if there is no such person, any adult member, excluding roomers, boarders, or paid employees. A household comprises the person or persons who occupy a housing unit. Although a large majority of households contain families, many do not. 12The 1990 Census recorded 6,001,718 Hispanic households, a difference of 218,000 from the March 1991 CPS figure.

13Two major categories of households are identified by the Census Bureau: family and nonfamily. A family household requires the presence of at least two related persons: the householder and one or more additional family members related to the householder through birth, marriage, or adoption. Family households can also contain persons who are not family members. A nonfamily household is composed of a householder who either lives alone or exclusively with persons who are not related to the householder. See Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 432, "Households, Families, Marital Status and Living Arrangements: March 1988 (Advance Report). Finally, the difference between the percent increase in Hispanic family and nonfamily households is not statistically significant.

In March 1991, the estimate of the Hispanic origin population in the United States was about 21.4 million, or about 8.6 percent of the total population.3 The Hispanic population consisted of the following groups: 62.6 percent (±.88) Mexican 11.1 percent (±.57) Puerto Rican 4.9 percent (±.39) Cuban origin

13.8 percent (±.63) Central and South American 7.6 percent (±.48) Other Hispanic4

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PERSONS

Age. The age data from the March 1991 CPS shows the Hispanic origin population to be younger than the nonHispanic population. About 30 percent of Hispanics were under 15 years of age, for example, compared to 22 percent of non-Hispanics. Conversely, about twice as many non-Hispanics (22 percent) were 55 years of age or older compared to Hispanics (11 percent, see table 1).

The median age of the Hispanic origin population (26.2 years) in 1991 was about 2 years older than it was in 1983 (24.3 years), but still 8 years younger than the 1991 median age of the non-Hispanic population (33.8 years). In March 1991 the median age among the Hispanic subgroups varied from the high of 39.3 years for the Cuban population (about 6 years older than that of non-Hispanics) to the low of 24.3 years for the Mexican subgroup. The Puerto Rican, Central and South American and Other Hispanic populations recorded median ages of 26.7, 27.9 and 31.0 years of age, respectively5 (table 1).

Educational attainment. Hispanics made modest gains in educational attainment in the 1980's. In March 1983, about 16 percent of Hispanics age 25 and over, had completed less than 5 years of schooling, while in March 1991 that percentage was about 13 percent. The proportion of Hispanics who had completed 4 years of high school or more was about 46 percent in 1983 and about 51 percent in 1991. In 1983, 8 percent of Hispanics had completed 4 or more years of college compared to about 10 percent in 1991 (table A).

3The 1990 Census recorded 22,354,059 Hispanic persons, a difference of 917,000 from the March 1991 CPS civilian noninstitutional population. In 1993 the Census Bureau will introduce Hispanic population controls based on the 1990 Census.

"Unless otherwise noted, persons reporting "Other Hispanic" origin are those whose origins are from Spain, or they are Hispanic persons identifying themselves generally as Hispanic, Spanish, SpanishAmerican, Hispano, Latino, and so on.

"The difference between the median age of Hispanics of Puerto Rican and Central and South American origin is not statistically significant.

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Occupation. In March 1991, the occupational distribution of employed Hispanics and non-Hispanics differed. For example, the largest share of Hispanic men in March 1991 were employed as operators, fabricators or laborers (29 percent). Non-Hispanic men, on the other hand, were most likely to have occupations that were managerial and professional (28 percent). The proportion of Hispanic and non-Hispanic men employed in the precision productions, craft and repair industries (about 19 percent for each group) was not statistically different.

Among employed women, the single largest occupational grouping for both Hispanic and non-Hispanic

Occupation data shown in this report refer to March 1991, and may not necessarily agree with data from other survey months, or with other data produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

women was technical, sales and administrative support occupations (40 percent and 44 percent, respectively). Other differences existed, however, between the occupational distribution of Hispanic and non-Hispanic women. About 16 percent of Hispanic women were employed in managerial and professional specialty occupations compared to 28 percent of non-Hispanic women. About 26 percent of Hispanic origin women were employed in service occupations compared to 17 percent of nonHispanic women. Finally, about twice as many Hispanic women held positions as operators, fabricators and laborers than did non-Hispanic women (14 and 8 percent respectively, see table 2).7

Labor Force Participation. The civilian labor force is composed of persons who are 16 years of age and over, not in the military, and who are employed or are actively looking for work. Given this criteria, the labor force participation rate of Hispanic males in March 1991 was higher than that of non-Hispanic males (78 percent versus 74 percent). In contrast, the labor force participation rate of non-Hispanic females was higher than that of Hispanic females (57 percent and 51 percent, respectively).

When comparing the labor force participation rates of Hispanic women between March 1983 and 1991, an increase is evident. The proportion of Hispanic women in the labor force increased from 47 percent in 1983 to 51 percent in 1991 (table A and figure 1). In contrast, the labor force participation rate of Hispanic males during this period did not change significantly, Hispanic males in 1983 had a labor force participation rate of 79 percent compared to 78 percent in 1991 (figure 2).

Unemployment. In March 1991, eight months into the latest recession that began in July 1990, the unemployment rate of all Hispanics 16 years of age and older was higher than that of non-Hispanics (10.0 percent and 6.9 percent, respectively). However, the 1991 rate for Hispanics was lower than it was in March 1983 near the bottom of the previous recessionary period (16.5 percent) (table A).

The unemployment rate of Hispanic males in March 1991 was higher than that of non-Hispanic males (10.6 percent and 7.8 percent, respectively), but lower than the comparable March 1983 rate (16.6 percent). A similar pattern is evident among females. About 9.2 percent of Hispanic females were unemployed in March

'The difference between Hispanic women employed in managerial and professional specialty occupations and as operators, fabricators, and laborers is not statistically significant.

Labor force status data shown in this report refer to March 1991, and may not necessarily agree with data from other survey months, or with average annual rates produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

1991 compared to 5.9 percent of non-Hispanic females. The unemployment rate of Hispanic females was 16.3 percent in March of 1983.9

Among Hispanic subgroups, there was no statistically significant difference in the unemployment rate for females. Among Hispanic origin males, Cuban and Other Hispanics had the lowest unemployment rates10 (5.2 percent and 5.4 percent, respectively, see table 2).

Marital Status. Hispanics, in March 1991, were more likely than non-Hispanics to be single (32.6 percent and 26.0 percent, respectively). The difference in the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics who are married (56.7 percent and 58.4 percent, respectively) however, was not statistically significant. As a proportion, Hispanics were less likely than non-Hispanics to be either divorced (6.8 percent as compared to 8.3 percent) or widowed (4.0 percent as compared to 7.3 percent), (table 1).

CHARACTERISTICS OF HOUSEHOLDS

According to the March 1991 CPS, there were about 6.2 million households in which the householder was Hispanic. 11,12 This number was an increase of 2.2 million or about 55 percent since the 1980 Census. In March 1991, Hispanic households were about 6.6 percent of all U.S. households compared to 5.0 percent in 1980. The number of Hispanic family households increased about 54 percent while the number of nonfamily households grew about 61 percent. 13Among non-Hispanic households, the number of households also increased, but at a slower rate than that for Hispanics, 29 percent for nonfamily versus 10 percent for family households.

"The differences between the unemployment rates of Hispanic males and females in 1983 and 1991 are not statistically significant. 1o The difference between the unemployment rates of Cuban and Other Hispanic males is not statistically significant.

11The Census Bureau defines a Hispanic household as one in which the householder is Hispanic. The term householder refers to the person (or one of the persons) in whose name the housing unit is owned or rented (maintained), or if there is no such person, any adult member, excluding roomers, boarders, or paid employees. A household comprises the person or persons who occupy a housing unit. Although a large majority of households contain families, many do not. 12The 1990 Census recorded 6,001,718 Hispanic households, a difference of 218,000 from the March 1991 CPS figure.

13Two major categories of households are identified by the Census Bureau: family and nonfamily. A family household requires the presence of at least two related persons: the householder and one or more additional family members related to the householder through birth, marriage, or adoption. Family households can also contain persons who are not family members. A nonfamily household is composed of a householder who either lives alone or exclusively with persons who are not related to the householder. See Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 432, “Households, Families, Marital Status and Living Arrangements: March 1988 (Advance Report). Finally, the difference between the percent increase in Hispanic family and nonfamily households is not statistically significant.

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