• The proportion of Hispanic families with incomes of $25,000 or more was about 47.2 (±2.0) percent in 1982, 52.2 (±1.8) percent in 1989, and 48.0 (±1.7) percent in 1992 which is not statistically different than in 1982.

• The proportion of persons living below the poverty level varied over the decade. About one-third (29.9 ±1.9 percent) of Hispanic persons lived below the poverty level in 1982, just after the recessionary period of 1981-82. The poverty rate of Hispanic persons declined during the recovery period that followed reaching 26.2 (±1.6) percent in 1989 but rose to 29.3 (±1.5) percent in 1992.

• Hispanic women were more likely to marry outside their group than were Hispanic men. In 1993, 85.8 (±2.5) percent of Hispanic husbands had a Hispanic wife and 83.1 (±2.6) percent of Hispanic wives had a Hispanic husband. About 97.5 (±0.3) percent of non-Hispanic White husbands married a non-Hispanic White wife and about the same proportion of nonHispanic White wives had a non-Hispanic White husband.

USER NOTE

The CPS estimates of the Hispanic origin population shown in this report are inflated to national totals using weights derived from independent post-census estimates. These post-census estimates of the Hispanic population were used to eliminate fluctuations in the CPS estimates of the size of the total Hispanic population resulting from sampling variability. In addition, the independent estimates provide a post-census time series of data comparable with the 1980 census information for Hispanics. Independent estimates were developed only for the total Hispanic population and not for subgroups of the Hispanic population. Consequently, figures on the number of persons in each of the Hispanic subgroups, as well as the social and economic characteristics shown in this report, remain subject to sampling error and random annual fluctuations. Population controls from the 1990 census results will be used for survey estimation beginning with the results from the 1994 CPS.

HISPANIC POPULATION COMPOSITION

In March 1993, the estimate of the Hispanic origin population in the United States was about 22.8 million or about 8.9 percent of the total population. The Hispanic population consisted of the following groups:

3The 1990 Census enumerated 22,354,059 persons of Hispanic origin.

"Unless otherwise noted, persons reporting "Other Hispanic" origin are those whose origins are from Spain, or they are Hispanic persons identifying themselves generally as Hispanic, Spanish, SpanishAmerican, Hispano, Latino, and so on.

64.3 percent (±.9) Mexican
10.6 percent (±.5) Puerto Rican
4.7 percent (±.4) Cuban

13.4 percent (±.6) Central and South American 7.0 percent (±.5) Other Hispanic1

CHARACTERISTICS OF PERSONS

Age. The March 1993 CPS age data show that the Hispanic population is younger than the non-Hispanic White population. For example, about 29.6 percent of Hispanics were under 15 years of age compared with 20.4 percent of non-Hispanic Whites. Conversely, about twice as many non-Hispanic Whites were 55 years and over compared with Hispanics (22.9 percent and 10.8 percent, respectively).

The median age of the Hispanic population in 1993 (26.7 years) was about 9 years less than that of the non-Hispanic White population (35.5 years). Even so, the median age of Hispanics rose over the last decade-it increased from 24.3 years in 1983 to 26.7 years in 1993. (See table 5.)

The median age among the Hispanic subgroups varied substantially in 1993. The Cuban population had the highest median age (43.6 years) while the Mexican population had the lowest (24.6 years). The remaining subgroups fell in between (26.9 years for the Puerto Ricans, 28.6 years for the Central and South Americans, and 32.5 years for the Other Hispanic population; see table 1.)5

Marital Status. The marital status of Hispanic persons age 15 and over has not changed dramatically over the decade. For example, the married population was about 56.3 percent of Hispanics in 1993 compared with 57.2 percent in 1983. The never married population was about 32.8 percent of Hispanics in 1993 and about 32.1 percent in 1983.

Hispanics were more likely to be never married than non-Hispanic Whites in March 1993 (32.8 percent compared with 23.4 percent, respectively). Hispanics were less likely to be married (56.3 percent compared with 60.9 percent), widowed (4.1 percent compared with 7.2 percent) or divorced (6.8 percent compared with 8.5 percent) than non-Hispanic Whites. (See table 1.)

Educational Attainment. In January 1992, the Census Bureau introduced an educational attainment question into the CPS that was comparable to the one used in the 1990 census of population. The change in the collection of data on educational attainment raised several

"The differences between the median age of Puerto Ricans and Central and South Americans, and Puerto Ricans and all Hispanics are not statistically significant.

❝See Robert Kominski and Paul Siegel, "Measuring the Education in the Current Population Survey❞ Monthly Labor Review, September 1993 (pages 40-45).

concerns. One concern was the loss in continuity in the time series which dates back 50 years. The meaning of the former question itself, however, may have changed over time. For example, the Census Bureau could say with a high degree of certainty that a person who completed 4 years of college in 1940 received a Bachelor's degree. The same assumption, with a similar level of certainty, could not be made for data collected in 1990. In recent years, more than 4 years of college were required on average to complete a Bachelor's degree. Using the former item today and benchmarking it against 1940 could be misleading. In addition, the discrepancy became larger with each passing year.

The new item, on the other hand, allows comparable construction of many of the educational attainment concepts and benchmarks that the Census Bureau uses frequently in research, analysis, and legislation. For example, persons who have less than a high school diploma are easily identified along with persons with 12 years of education who did graduate from high school. Persons with less, or more, than a Bachelor's degree and who have attained a Bachelor's as their highest degree can also be determined. In this respect, the new item will provide better year-to-year comparability because it relies on known degree attainment, not a translation of years to degrees. Bear in mind the change in question wording when interpreting the educational attainment data in table 5.

Although the educational attainment of Hispanics improved during the decade, it remains well below that of their non-Hispanic counterparts. One of the most notable improvements, for example, is the reduction in the proportion of Hispanics with very little formal education. The proportion of Hispanics, age 25 years and over, with less than a 5th grade education decreased from 15.6 percent in 1983 to 11.8 percent in 1993. Despite that dramatic improvement, the proportion of Hispanics with low educational attainment-less than a 5th grade education-in 1993 was more than fourteentimes greater than that of non-Hispanic Whites (0.8 percent).

In a similar fashion, the proportion of Hispanics 25 years old and over with high school diplomas increased over the decade from 45.7 percent in 1983 to 53.1 percent in 1993.7 Despite that improvement, in 1993 Hispanics were still much less likely to be high school graduates than were non-Hispanics Whites (84.1 percent).

Similar differences exist among young adults (persons 25 to 34 years old). In March 1993, 60.4 percent of Hispanic young adults reported they were high school

'Assuming that persons with 4 years of high school or more education had a high school diploma, the proportion of Hispanics, age 25 years and over, with high school diplomas has increased.

graduates compared with 91.2 percent of their nonHispanic White counterparts. About 9.0 percent of Hispanic young adults reported that they had a Bachelor's degree compared with about 26.8 percent of nonHispanic White adults. (See table 1.)

Despite trailing other young adults in educational attainment, young Hispanics were, on average, better educated than were older Hispanics (persons age 35 years and over). For example, proportionately, more young Hispanics (persons 25-34 years old) were high school graduates than were older Hispanics (persons age 35 years and over) (60.4 percent and 49.1 percent, respectively). Despite that difference, young Hispanics were no more likely to have Bachelor's degrees than older Hispanics (9.0 percent for both age groups).

Educational attainment levels also differ substantially among Hispanic subgroups. For example, Mexican young adults (25-34 years) were the least likely to have a high school diploma or higher level of education (52.7 percent). On the other hand, Cuban young adults were more likely to have Bachelor's degrees (25.1 percent) than Mexican or Puerto Rican young adults. (See table 1.)

Labor Force Participation. In general, males (age 16 years and over) are more likely to be economically active than females. For example, the labor force participation rate among Hispanic females in March 1993 (51.9 percent) was lower than the rate among Hispanic males (79.2 percent). Even so, there has been a significant increase in the labor force participation rate of females since 1983. Labor force participation of Hispanic females increased from 47.3 percent in 1983 to 51.9 percent in 1993. Similar increases occurred among non-Hispanic females-their participation went from 52.5 percent to 57.6 percent during the same period. (See table 2 and table 6.)

The labor force participation rate of Hispanic males in March 1993 was 79.2 percent, which is not significantly different from the 78.7 percent in 1983. Similarly, the participation rate of non-Hispanic males (74 percent) did not change between 1983 and 1993. As a consequence of the unchanging rate for males and the increase for females, the gender gap in labor force participation for both Hispanics and non-Hispanics narrowed. (See table 6.)

Unemployment. The unemployment rates for both Hispanics and non-Hispanics (persons 16 years old and over), fluctuated substantially between 1983 and 1993. (See figure 1 and table 6.)

The March unemployment rate for Hispanics dropped from 16.5 percent in 1983 to 7.8 percent in 1989 shortly after the end of the economic recession in 1983 and

Labor force status data shown in this report may not agree with data from other survey months or with average annual rates produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

shortly before the latest economic downturn in 1989. However, the Hispanic unemployment rate increased to 11.9 percent in 1993. The unemployment rate among Hispanic females and males followed a similar pattern. Each dropped about 9 percentage points between 1983 and 1989 but increased between 1989 and 1993. About 12.4 percent of Hispanic males and 11.1 percent of Hispanic females were unemployed in 1993.9

Hispanics were much more likely to be unemployed in March 1993 (11.9 percent) than were non-Hispanic Whites (6.1 percent). Among the Hispanic subgroups, Cubans had the lowest unemployment rate, 7.3 percent.10 (See table 2.)

Occupation.11 There has been some change during the past decade in the occupational distribution of employed males. For example, the proportion of Hispanic males in managerial and professional specialty occupations was about 12 percent in 1983 and 1993. For non-Hispanic males in managerial and professional specialty occupations, the proportion was about 26 percent in 1983 and 28 percent in 1993. During the same period, there was a slight decrease in the proportion of Hispanic males who worked as operators, fabricators, and laborers.

"The difference in the unemployment rate for Hispanic males and females is not statistically significant.

1oThe difference in the unemployment rate for Cubans and Other Hispanics is not statistically significant.

11Occupation data shown in this report may not agree with data from other survey months or with other data produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Among females, also, there has been some change in the occupational distribution. For example, the proportion of both Hispanic and non-Hispanic females in managerial and professional specialty occupations increased, while the proportion of females who worked as operators, fabricators, and laborers decreased. (See table 6.)

The occupational distribution of employed Hispanic males differed from that of non-Hispanic White males in March 1993. Employed Hispanic males were more likely to be in operator, fabricator, and laborer occupations than in any other occupational group (28.4 percent). Employed non-Hispanic White males, however, were most likely to be in managerial and professional specialty occupations (29.2 percent).

Hispanic and non-Hispanic White females were more likely to be in technical, sales, and administrative support occupations than in any other occupational group (40.9 percent and 43.9 percent, respectively). Employed Hispanic females were more likely than non-Hispanic White females to be in service occupations (24.6 percent compared with 16.0 percent). On the other hand, about 30.9 percent of non-Hispanic White females were in managerial and professional specialty occupations compared with 15.4 percent of Hispanic females. (See table 2.)

Earnings for Year-Round, Full-Time Workers. Given the differences in occupational distributions, it is not surprising that the median earnings for year-round, full-time Hispanic males was less than that for nonHispanic White males. The median earnings of Hispanic males in 1992 ($20,054) was about 63 percent that of non-Hispanic White males ($31,765), while the median

earnings of Hispanic females ($17,124) was about 78 percent that of non-Hispanic White females ($21,930). The ratio of female-to-male median earnings among year-round, full-time workers showed that females received lower wages than males. However, the ratio of earnings of Hispanic female-to-male (0.85), was higher than the ratio for non-Hispanic White female-to-male (0.69).

The differences in earnings for year-round, full-time workers were also evident in the distribution of the earnings. At the low end of the distribution, in 1992, about 12.0 percent of Hispanic males earned less than $10,000 a year compared with 4.9 percent for nonHispanic White males. At the high end of the distribution, about 6.7 percent of Hispanic males had earnings of $50,000 or more compared with about 21.6 percent of non-Hispanic White males. Among females with earnings, 16.5 percent of Hispanic and about 8.3 percent of non-Hispanic White females had earnings of less than $10,000. About 26.9 percent of Hispanic females reported earnings of $25,000 or more in 1992 compared with 41.4 percent of non-Hispanic White females. (See table 2.)

Persons Below the Poverty Level. The poverty rate for Hispanics varied over the decade, but the rate in 1992 was not significantly different from the 1982 level. About one-third (29.9 percent) of Hispanic persons lived below the poverty level in 1982, just after the recessionary period of 1981-82. The poverty rate of Hispanic persons declined during the recovery period to 26.2 percent in 1989 but rose to 29.3 percent in 1992, following the most recent recessionary period.

A somewhat similar pattern occurred among nonHispanic persons. In 1982, 14.0 percent of non-Hispanics were living below the poverty level. That proportion declined to 11.6 percent in 1989 and rose to 13.1 percent in 1992, which is not statistically different from 1982. (See table 6.)

Hispanic persons were much more likely to be living below the poverty level than were non-Hispanic Whites in 1992. About 29.3 percent of Hispanic persons in the United States were living in poverty in 1992 compared to 9.6 percent of non-Hispanic Whites. As a result, although the Hispanic population was only about 9 percent of the total population, more than one in every six persons (18.0 percent) living in poverty in the United States was of Hispanic origin. (See table 2.)

Children Below Poverty. Hispanic children were more likely than non-Hispanic White children to be living below the poverty level. In 1992, about 39.9 percent of Hispanic children under 18 years of age were living in poverty compared to only 13.2 percent of non-Hispanic White children. Hispanic children represented 11.7 percent of all children living in the United States but were 21.3 percent of all children in poverty in 1992. (See table 2.)

CHARACTERISTICS OF HOUSEHOLDS AND

FAMILIES

Household Composition. Estimates based on the March 1993 CPS show there were 6.6 million households in which the householder was Hispanic. Hispanic households were more likely to be family households than were non-Hispanic White households. About 80.3 percent of Hispanic households in March 1993 were family households compared with 69.6 percent of non-Hispanic White households. Conversely, 30.4 percent of non-Hispanic White households were nonfamily households (i.e., persons living alone or with nonrelatives only) compared with 19.7 percent for Hispanic households.

About 55.4 percent of Hispanic households were maintained by married couples in March 1993, 6.1 percent by male family householders with no wife present and 18.7 percent by female family householders with no husband present. About 58.1 percent of non-Hispanic White households were maintained by married couples, 2.7 percent by male family householders with no wife present and 8.9 percent by female family householders with no husband present.

The householder in about 58.4 percent of the 6.6 million Hispanic households was of Mexican origin. In about 14.1 percent of Hispanic households, the householder was Central and South American, 12.7 percent for Puerto Rican, 6.1 percent for Cuban, and 8.7 percent for Other Hispanic. 12 (See table 3.)

Origin of Husband by Origin of Wife. Table A shows that Hispanic women were more likely to marry outside their group than were Hispanic men. In 1993, 85.8 percent of Hispanic husbands had a Hispanic wife, and 83.1 percent of Hispanic wives had a Hispanic husband. 13 About 97.5 percent of non-Hispanic White husbands were married to a non-Hispanic White wife and about the same proportion of non-Hispanic White wives had a non-Hispanic White husband.

Among the Hispanic subgroups, 85.6 percent of Mexican men had a Mexican wife, and 82.8 percent of Mexican women married a Mexican man. These proportions are not significantly different. The proportions for the other groups are also not statistically different from each other.

When Hispanics marry outside their specific subgroup, they are more likely to marry a non-Hispanic than a member of any other specific Hispanic subgroup. For example, among Puerto Rican husbands, 69.3 percent

12The difference between the proportion of households with householders of Puerto Rican and Central and South American origins is not statistically significant.

13The difference between the proportion of Hispanic husbands who had a Hispanic wife and Hispanic wives who had a Hispanic husband is not statistically significant.

had Puerto Rican wives, 23.9 percent married nonHispanic women. Very small percentages married Mexican, Central and South American, Cuban, and Other Hispanic wives.

Household Size. There has been no change in the average number of persons in Hispanic households, but changes did occur for non-Hispanic households over the decade. For example, the average number of Hispanic persons per household was 3.48 in 1983 and 3.41 in 1993. For non-Hispanics, the average size of households was 2.69 in 1983 and 2.57 in 1993. Hispanic households were on average larger than non-Hispanic White households (3.41 persons compared with 2.52 persons in 1993). About 11.6 percent of Hispanic households had six or more persons compared with 2.3 percent of non-Hispanic White households. Among the

subgroups, Mexicans had the largest proportion of households with six or more members (16.2 percent, see table 3).

Household Income. The median money income of Hispanic households in the calendar year 1992 was $22,859. This figure was not significantly different from the $23,374 median household income in 1991 (after adjusting for consumer price changes). Hispanic household income in 1992, however, was significantly lower than that of non-Hispanic White households ($33,355). The median income of Hispanic households was about 68.5 percent of the median income of non-Hispanic White households. Among the Hispanic subgroups, Puerto Ricans had the lowest median household income.

There were noticeable differences in the income distribution of Hispanic and non-Hispanic White households. For example, about 53.8 percent of Hispanic