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cumstances.

The more deeply one studies the sources of the history of these six years, the more irresistibly does the recognition of this fact force itself upon the mind, until at last it becomes hard to understand how there can still be unprejudiced men, in both camps and among those who stood anywhere between them as spectators or fellowactors, who see in it nothing but an empty hypothesis.

I believe that in this volume I have made a not entirely unimportant contribution to the proof of the allegation made above, a proof which it is my firm conviction will yet be furnished by the investigation of the history of slavery I deliberately say slavery and not slavery question- -in such a shape as to put it forever beyond the possibility of dispute. In my opinion, the volume could become such a contribution, only provided I discussed this period with an exhaustiveness which, spite of my endeavors to treat only of that which is indispensable to the understanding of the subject in hand, may weary many readers. This minute and critical entering into details was all the more necessary, since this period has, in many respects-especially as regards the "finality" question and Know-Nothing ism-partly because of its unrefreshing character and partly because of the tangled and intricate nature of its history-been, in a special degree neglected not only by investigators, but even by party writers. It was, therefore, even more imperative than in the previous yolumes, so..far as space at all permitted, to prove my position from the original sources, verbatim. Otherwise, if we have been only too easy for the representatives of Party views and the pretended impartial with hair-rooted notions, to dispose of my work with a shrug of the shoulders and a few general apodictic assertions, and then, so to speak, pass to the order of the day. I could not limit myself any further in this respect, if the

PREFACE.

judgment criticism on both sides of the Atlantic has passed on the first three volumes of my work, was.to hold good of this one also, namely, that other investigators will have to reckon with my labors. Those who come after me, however, will have this great advantage: they will be able to represent as established facts what will be looked upon as demonstrated here from the original sources, in as many lines as I have needed pages to furnish unimpeachable evidence of them.

THE AUTHOR.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

DECEPTIVE TRIUMPH OF THE COMPROMISE POLICY....

1

Introductory Remarks on Changes of Administration. - Craving
for Rest. The Nashville Convention.-The "Fire Eaters" in South
Carolina and Mississippi.-The Georgia Platform.-The Feeling in
the North.-The Fugitive Slave Law.-The Union Party and Its
Defeat in New York.-Reopening of the Struggle.-The Manifesto of
the 22nd of January, 1851.-The Execution of the Fugitive Slave
Law Meets with Resistance.-The Shadrach Case.-Declarations of
the Southern Radicals.-Clay Demands an Extension of the Powers
of the President.-Growing Delight in Peace.-The Charleston Con-
vention and Virginia.-Defeat of the Secessionists in South Caro-
lina-Foote's Victory in Mississippi.-Ignoring the True Situation.-
Wade and Sumner Chosen United States Senators.-The Compromise
in the Light of the Demands for Expansion of the Slavocracy.

CHAPTER II.

LOPEZ AND KOSSUTH..

45

The Cuban Filibusters.-The Spanish Ambassador and the Admin-
istration. Lopez's First Expedition. The Contoy Prisoners.-A
New Expedition and Yulee's Prosecution.-Proclamation of the 25th
of April, 1851.-Lopez's Second Expedition and the New Orleans
Mob.-Changed Attitude of the Administration.-Contradictions in
the Life of the People.-Attitude towards Revolutionary Movements
in Europe. - Sympathy for Hungary.-Austria's Remonstrances —
Webster's Answer of the 21st of December, 1850.-Kossuth and His
Associates and the Message of December 2.-Kossuth's Agitation.-
Reaction in Public Opinion.-Seward's Resolution of January 20,
1852.-Departure from the traditional Policy in regard to Europe.—
The Agitation a Lever in President-Making.-Young America and
the Article in the Democratic Review of January, 1852.

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The Parliamentary Situation.-The Finality Question in the Cau-

cus and the two Parties.-Foote's Finality Resolution.-The Missis-
sippi Resolutions.-Butler on Foote's Resolution.-Old and New
Creeds of the Southern Radicals.-Rhett on Secession and High
Treason. The Southern Union Party and the Radicals.-Finality
without Notice.-Finality and Party Interest.-Disunion in Both
Parties. President-Making in Congress. -The Whig Caucus and
Marshall's Finality Resolution.-The Debate on the Same.-Both
Parties Lose the Right to Exist and the Capacity to Exist.

The Whigs and the Election.-The Feeling of the People.—Gid-

ding's and the Finality Policy.-Uncle Tom's Cabin.-The Slavocracy

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