victory of the compromise party over the radicals, the south had therefore remained convinced that the last acquisitions of territory were not sufficient to satisfy the want of expansion felt by slavery, and hence it maintained its programme of territorial enlargement. This was clearly and definitely to say that it looked upon the compromise simply as a settlement in respect to the objects directly in controversy, but that it would, sooner or later, again make the undecided question of principle, in its fullest extent, the order of the day, by the creation of new concrete objects of controversy. After these declarations, the north itself was entirely responsible for continuing to deceive itself and allow itself to be deceived as to this, that the compromise was an armistice the ending of which it might expect to be notified of at any moment. boring provinces. They are destined to be occupied by our slaveholding population. It will fill up all the country around the gulf, including the peninsula of Yucatan, and perhaps the northern portion of the South American continent. This state of things will be likely to occur even before our interest requires it. That, whether it be desirable or not, there is no power on this continent to prevent it. Mexico is altogether too feeble. This government itself cannot do it. It had as well attempt to curb the waves of the ocean. I say boldly, that if the government makes the effort, it will itself perish in the attempt. As soon as we feel the actual want of additional territory, we shall occupy it either without or with the aid of this government." Congr. Globe, 2d Sess., 31st Congr., Append., p. 210. LOPEZ AND KOSSUTH. 45 CHAPTER II. LOPEZ AND KOSSUTH. After the close of the second year of office, the presidents of the United States, and with them the country, are wont to enjoy comparative calm, for a time. The legislative period has then come to an end, and unless extraordinary circumstances arise, the new congress is not convened for nine months. True, politicians and the press discuss with more or less vivacity the next presidential election, but that great question is still too much in the first stages of preparation, to disturb politicians in the enjoyment of their dolce far niente. Local questions and the doings of the rest of the world have to be used to a greater extent than usual to fill up the endless columns of the big newspapers. The course which the last session of congress had taken gave no reason to surmise that Fillmore's presidency would be an exception in this respect. Spite of this, it could be no matter of surprise that the political calm was interrupted by a short storm. There was no lightning from a cloudless sky. On the contrary, the dark clouds became so noticeable as they slowly arose that full attention would have been certainly paid them if people had not so anxiously and so conscientiously gone out of the way of all excitement. The intended freebooter descent on Cuba, in 1849, had remained unpunished. This lenity or weakness of the government, had the consequences which might have been expected. Scarcely had the adventurers of Round Island been discharged, than the preparations for a new expedition were actively begun in New York, Boston and especially in New Orleans. It was not considered necessary to carry them on in secret, rather was it sought to attract the attention of the public. The enrollment and exercising of the crew were carried on with great publicity and the cockade of the republic of Cuba was paraded in the streets with great ostentation. Bonds for which the real estate and the state revenues of this future imaginary power served as security, were put in circulation, and Marisco Lopez, the head of the conspirators, was able to find a prominent man in a high judicial position who saw no objection to putting his name to those instruments of revolutionary propagandism against a friendly state.1 Young enthusiasts and reckless adventurers were to hazard their lives in the game against Spanish soldiers and Spanish hangmen, for the "freedom of Cuba;" but the real movers in the affair took care not to leave the safe ground of the United States; the basis of their enthusiasm for freedom was either the slaveholding interest or the hope to see their copper mite return to their pockets as gold unalloyed. The person who desired to keep himself informed of the course of the movement needed only to 1 Hon. Colesworth Pinckney Smith, judge of the supreme court of errors and appeals of the state of Mississippi. Sen. Doc., 32d Congr., 1st. Sess., Vol. I., No. 1, p. 28. 2 But what gives a peculiar criminality to this invasion of Cuba, is, that under the lead of Spanish subjects and with the aid of citizens of the United States, it had its origin, with many, in motives of cupidity. . . . None will deny that those who set on foot military expeditions against foreign states by means like these, are far more culpable than the ignorant and the necessitous whom they induce to go forth as the otensible parties in the proceeding." Fillmore's annual message of the 2d of December, 1851. Statesm.'s Man. III., p. THE LOPEZ EXPEDITION. 47 read the advertisement columns of the newspapers by which the proposals of the junta were taken up as readily as any other business notices. 2 When the audacity of the conspirators had at last gone so far as to announce through the newspapers the formation of a junta in Washington-under the nose of the government, as Brownson expressed himself1-the Spanish ambassador, Calderon de la Barca, complained strongly of such doings. Thereupon, the secretary of state, Clayton, directed the United States attorneys, in a letter of the 22d of January, 1850, to take steps against all illegal measures and violations of international obligations. But his instructions were given in so cool, not to say in so indifferent a tone, that he received the stereotyped answer in such cases, that the agitators had so far not been guilty of any open violation of law, and that hence it was impossible to institute proceedings against them. The conspirators now naturally became bolder. On the 8th of May, Calderon complained to the secretary of state, that, according to the reports of the Spanish consul at New Orleans, crowds to the number of 400 had repeatedly come from the interior who, in their conversation, made no effort to conceal the fact that they were to be shipped from some point of the isthmus of Panama to Cuba. And on the 16th of May, the ambassador called the attention of the secretary to the fact, that the New York Sun had hoisted the flag of the republic of Cuba on its building. 3 Taylor and his cabinet had now become convinced that something must be done. As, according to the reports of their own officials, it was no longer doubtful that Calderon did not draw on his imagination for his facts and the blow would 1 Brownson's Review, Oct. 1850, p. 498. 2 Jan. 1850, Sen. Doc., 31st Congr., 1st Sess., Vol. XIII., pp. 19, 20. 8 lb., pp. 23, 26. very soon fall, it must be put down as certain, that they would, even without his representations, have come to such a resolution, for no matter what they thought of the Cuban question, to see it carried towards a solution in this way was by no means in keeping with their wishes. Notwithstanding this, it may be assumed that the further information that the captain-general of Cuba was empowered, in case of necessity, to proclaim the emancipation of all the slaves, had very great influence on, and hastened, their reso 1 Hunton, the United States attorney in New Orleans, informs Clayton on the 14th of May: "You may rely on it that in connection with the supposed expedition against Cuba, no law of the United States has been violated in this district, zealous and vigilant as he (the Spanish vice-consul) and others are, he has not since that time (March 6), communicated any fact in relation to the subject of correspondence. "There can be no doubt that many persons have left New Orleans recently whose ultimate destination is the island of Cuba, and who, on arrival at the island, ... will engage, under the command of General Lopez, to assist the dissatisfied people of that island in throwing off the dominion of Spain. The number of these emigrants has been greatly exaggerated-they are perhaps one thousand cr fifteen hundred from this port. "If Lopez shall be able to make a successful stand, it is said he will be joined by a distinguished gentleman, now the governor of a neighboring state (Quitman), to whom the command will then be yielded." Ib., p. 25. · On the 6th of May, James Robb had written to the president from New Orleans: "It is not my province to give the names and parties concerned in making a descent upon the island of Cuba,' but it is proper to inform you that a military organization has been effected in the interior, not only formidable in number, but connections; and such as to leave no doubt upon my mind, as to the favorable result, in case they effect a landing, which is not improbable or impossible." Ib., p. 49. And on the following day Wm. L. Dodge had informed him: "The last of the Cubans leave this evening. . . The whole force.. is probably between 6,000 and 8,000 of the very best kind of material, all procured and organized in the interior." Ib., |