must be done by such members of the community of nations as are able to perform it."

INSTANCES IN WHICH WE INTERVENED

The United States offer several precedents. By seeing what we ourselves do when our citizens are not protected in a foreign country, we in some measure may be able to form an idea of what is to be anticipated of other nations, in a like situation.

In 1853 occurred what is known in international law books as "The Greytown Case."

In that case citizens of the United States had been robbed at Greytown, San Juan. We sent a war ship there to demand redress, and when that was not forthcoming, we destroyed the town, partly by bombardment and partly by a force of marines landed for that purpose. (Vide Whart, Int. Law Dig., § 224.)

For instances known to us all, I need only to call your attention to the fact that we hold Hawaii to-day because we landed our marines there from the Boston on the 16th of January, 1893, on the plea that it was to protect American lives and property. The government of that country, it was said, had

ceased to have sufficient strength to protect our people living there and so we intervened by force. We landed cannon and troops and were ready to do anything that was needed to preserve order.

And, last of all, so recent that the anxiety of it is still vivid in our minds, is the Boxer trouble in China. That is on all-fours with the present questions we have confronting us, from an international standpoint, in the Philippines. China should have protected the foreign legations in Pekin and the foreigners throughout the empire. She could have done it if she had exerted herself "by all the efforts in (her) power," as Mr. Adams defines her duty-but she didn't. What was the result? We joined the other nations in intervening by force and, after a number of battles, we rescued our people and then we, together with all the nations whose citizens had been outraged or injured, presented a collective bill of $333,000,000, which China will be paying, together with four per cent. annual interest thereon, for the next forty years,this amount to reimburse us with the other participating nations for the expenses we were put to in sending troops over there, and for damages to those individuals whose property had been de

stroyed, or injured, and as indemnities to the families of those whose lives had been sacrificed.

In a word, then, these foreign nations who were sending their men-of-war to Manila under all speed were going to protect their countrymen in any way and by any method that became necessary. to accomplish that object. The fact that armored ships only were sent shows more than all else how they expected to do their work, if any there were.

As soon as they arrived, they took up stations where they could, in sullen, menacing silence, sleeplessly watch every move we made. Armored vessels and battleships they were, too, against Dewey's unarmored cruisers. The Germans had five of them. Before our troops began to arrive, the Germans and French were nagging Dewey at every opportunity. Dewey proclaimed the port blockaded by him and, by the laws of war, he had the right to lay down reasonable regulations which all nations should observe and which would enable him to effectually carry out that blockade. If he could not make it effectual, it would not hold, according to the same laws, for any nation has a perfect right to totally ignore an imperfect blockade.

They

The Germans broke nearly all of Dewey's regulations about as fast as he made them. moved about in the darkness; on several occasions they tried to run the blockade by putting out their lights; they would follow our transports as close as possible just to spy out to see how many men we had on board; they would not salute the flag of the United States as they passed it.

Dewey sat there in his wicker chair under the muzzle of one of his big guns, never missing any of it, and when the right time came he showed his claws. Two of his messages to the German admiral will go down into history. "Don't pass the American flag again without seeing it" was Dewey's way of calling the Kaiser's representatives' attention to the fact that the German salutes to the American flag had been notably absent for some time, and "Brumby, tell Von Diedrich that if he wants a fight, he can have it right now," when some fresh annoyance from the Germans was added to our admiral's heavy strain.

CHAPTER III

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO

DANGER FROM AGUINALDO, AND CHARACTER OF HIS

FORCES

SOON an additional trouble broke around Dewey's head. This one must have given him more worry than all the rest combined; for there was no way to control it. He was dependent upon luck to escape misfortune from it. Nothing that he could do would direct it or govern it in an appreciable degree; and yet it could snatch -away in an instant everything he had gained, and give the hostile powers the very opening for which they were, for all the world like so many cats at a rat-hole, so eagerly watching. All they wanted was an excuse to jump in and seize the rat for themselves. The insurgents, Aguinaldo and his army, were closing in on Manila. They gradually drove in the Spaniards and were likely to take the city. They were treacherous, bloodthirsty and