at the head of whom were Edward Atkinson and E. Erving Winslow, and said to them, as he held out the oath, and offered them his pen, “Here, boys, I've signed it. Now it's your turn"; but they had swooned.

Now let me show you how far these Anti-Imperialists and Copperheads will go. Just as soon as Vallandigham had been left in Alabama, he started for Richmond, where he entered into conference with the highest Confederate officials. John B. Jones, a clerk in the rebel war office at Richmond, made the following entry in his diary on the 22d of June, 1853.

"(Mr. Vallandigham) says that if we can only hold out this year, that the peace party of the North would sweep the Lincoln dynasty out of political existence. He seems to have thought that our cause was sinking and feared we would submit, which would, of course, be ruinous to his party! But he advises strongly against any invasion of Pennsylvania, for that would unite all parties at the North, and so strengthen Lincoln's hands that he would be able to crush all opposition and trample upon the constitutional rights of the people. Mr. V. said nothing to indicate that either he or the party had any other idea than that the Union would be reconstructed under Democratic rule. The President (Davis) indorsed with his own pen on this document that in regard to invasion of the North

experience proved the contrary of what Mr. V. asserted." (Jones, “A Rebel War Clerk's Diary," Vol. I., pp. 357, 358.)

He was conspiring with the Confederate Cabinet against his country; giving them his best judgment and any information he had! He was a common spy. The Anti-Imperialists, or Copperheads, would say that he was only "exercising the right of free speech." They do not see anything wrong about that. Those notes of that Rebel Clerk show that Vallandigham was an Anti-Imperialist and his very words, even, are exactly those of the Anti-Imperialist who sat in Congress thirty-five years later and said: "If the Philippines are not subdued by the time of the next election, they never will be; for McKinley will be swept out of power and the nation. will then see to it that our army is withdrawn."

Vallandigham said "if (you) can only hold out this year, the peace party will sweep the Lincoln dynasty out of political existence." The similarity is still further continued when it is remembered that both Mr. Lincoln and Mr. McKinley were landed in the White House at their next respective elections by landslides, both of them.

CHAPTER XII

FORWARD

Now let us give a little consideration to the problem of the Philippines as it presents itself to-day. Despite all of this attack upon him, Mr. McKinley kept right on trying to establish order. The AntiImperialists raised a great hue and cry about our Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. They said we couldn't govern the Filipinos in the only way we now can, for the moment and under the circumstances, till they have learned how to guide their own ship,-they said our constitution forbade

it.

Well, we need not discuss that. The United States Supreme Court has since decided that the Anti-Imperialists were wrong. But I want to set down one thought, i. e., that if we have in this, the leading republic of the world, a constitution that forbids our extending a helping hand to any other people on the globe who are under the heel of a monarchy, who need an experienced hand to help them while they set up a government of their own,

then there is something the matter with that constitution; and, further, we know enough about Thomas Jefferson, and Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington, and Samuel Adams, and Benjamin Franklin and all the rest of the immortals who had a hand in constructing it that if it prevents our helping a down-trodden neighbor, no matter how near or dear he may be to us, then they, unwittingly, made an error, for they would never have absolutely denied to others perhaps the only chance to secure that for which they themselves had been ready to dieand the United States Supreme Court has decided on this side of it and we have legally governed Cuba and Porto Rico for four years and have turned Cuba over to her own people, free and independent. We shall soon do the same for Porto Rico and we can do the same thing in the same way for the Philippines and we are, I believe, going to do that, too.

We can take hold with these Filipinos and help them set up a republic of their own, and then we are through with them until they need us again. I believe that that is and is to be the policy of the great majority of our countrymen. That is all that we have been trying to do, as I understand it from the start, and it is all that we are trying to do now.

This was, I believe, Mr. McKinley's view when he decided that we should take the islands, and the only purpose he had in mind. Here are his words for that:

In his letter of acceptance of his second nomination for the presidency, he says:

"In March, 1900, earnestly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in the archipelago, I appointed the following civil commission: The Hon. William H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; the Hon. Luke I. Wright, of Tennessee; the Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and the Hon Bernard Moses, of California." We had no better men whom we could send in the whole country. "My instructions to them contained the following: You (the secretary of war) (1900 Rept. Secy. War, p. 72) will instruct the commission to devote their attention in the first instance to the establishment of municipal governments, in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are capable, and subject to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the working of native control show to be consistent with the maintenance of law, order and loyalty."

Is there any Imperialism about that? And those are, I understand, the orders under which that com