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away from these reactionary influences or to express independently whatever progressive convictions he may have entertained, and it was not until after Governor Johnson had carried the Republican as well as the Progressive primaries in California that Hughes recognized the California leader in a telegram of congratulation. It seemed like a belated recognition and it appeared to be forced by circumstances beyond Mr. Hughes' control. After that it was not easy to bring the California Progressives into line for Hughes. This incident had weight also in Kansas, Washington, Minnesota, and among Progressives in other parts of the country and the impression was created that the Republican party managers had no intention of yielding any real concessions to Progressive purposes in return for their votes.

For a decade the progressive voters of California of both parties had been fighting bi-partisan forces of corruption and corporation rule and had finally succeeded in banishing them from power. Now these forces were seeking to use the reabsorption of the Progressives by the Republicans as an opportunity to bring themselves back into power, to retire the Progressive leader of the state, and to discredit the whole progressive movement. Into this state under these conditions Hughes came in his campaign without a word of recognition of Johnson or a sign of sympathy for the fight for good government which had been made under Johnson's leadership. He appeared with, travelled with, and stood with, the "regulars" of the old kind, and, so far as Hughes seemed to know, California Progressivism had no existence. It appeared that his six years on the bench had made him oblivious of a decade of political progress in the West. This is sufficient to explain why Hughes lost California, Washington, Kansas and the election.

The Women's Vote.-The effect of the women's vote became a subject of controversy. In Illinois, where their Votes were received separately from those of men (since women could not vote on offices created by the state constitution), the women appear to have voted about as the men did, their

votes making no appreciable difference in the result. In California, Idaho, Washington, Kansas and Montana the women were especially active, and in most of these states they have been considered responsible for the defeat of the Republican candidate for President. In Montana a young woman was elected to Congress, Miss Jeannette Rankin. Miss Rankin was elected on the Republican ticket, though Wilson carried Montana by 34,000 majority. She will be the first woman ever to sit in the American Congress. She has been an ardent worker for woman's suffrage on the farms and in the mines of her State and she is credited with having been more than any other woman the means of obtaining the suffrage for women in Montana.

The "Woman's party" sought to control, or influence, the two national conventions in favor of woman's suffrage by the prospect of "four million votes of women." They presumed to hold these votes as a menace over the heads of party managers. Both party platforms declared in favor of votes for women but by state action rather than by the Susan B. Anthony Federal amendment. The "Woman's party," however, obtained from Mr. Hughes an expression in favor of the Federal amendment. In consideration of this declaration the "Woman's party" sent a special train through the "suffrage states" of the West with women speakers advocating Hughes' election. This train was satirized as the "Wall Street Special" or "The Golden Special" in view of its being financed by wealthy men or women in the East. It was charged that it had an influence contrary to its design. It aroused antagonism and the reports were quite general that it tended to increase the Wilson vote among the Western women. (See also II, Popular Government and Current Politics.)

William J. Bryan and the Elections. -The year showed that William J. Bryan is still a potent factor in American politics. Mr. Bryan spoke in 20 states during the campaign; 17 of these were carried by Mr. Wilson. The East paid no attention to Mr. Bryan's campaigning, but large and enthusiastic crowds greeted him in the trans-Mississippi states, to which,

The Prohibition party vote was not largely increased. Hanly and Landrith, the party ticket, received 221,000 of the popular vote, which is a gain of 12,000 over that of 1912. While the party Prohibitionists were not supported in the popular voting, the cause of prohibition was greatly advanced in the referendum voting on liquor laws and prohibition amendments (see XV, The Liquor Problem).

for the most part, he confined his ef- of the Sixty-fifth Congress see V, The forts. Instead of proving lukewarm National__Administration.) or indifferent to President Wilson's Minor Parties.-The Socialist party reëlection, as it was hoped by the Re- lost nearly 300,000 votes, receivpublicans he might do on account of ing about 590,000 as against 897,his pacifist views and his resignation 000 in 1912, a larger popular vote from the Wilson Cabinet, Mr. Bryan than had ever before been cast for a ardently supported the Administra- Presidential candidate of the Socialtion. On the Democratic slogan, "He ist party (see also XV, Socialism). has kept us out of war," his peace The party reëlected a member of Conpleas were effective with the rank and gress, and increased its representafile of all parties in the West, espe- tion in state legislatures. cially among the farmers and the women voters. Following the election Mr. Bryan announced to the national convention of the W. C. T. U. that he is "still in politics with both feet," but he has left the discussion of purely economic and political questions for moral ones. He accepts prohibition and woman suffrage as the great moral issues of this generation, and he says the Democratic party is the party to lead the fight in the nation. A rising tide of prohibition or anti-saloon sentiment as shown in the elections seems to support Mr. Bryan's contention (see II, Popular Government; and XV, The Liquor Problem). At a conference of "dry" Democrats of Indiana, at Indianapolis, ten days after the election (Nov. 17), Mr. Bryan announced his belief that prohibition would be a paramount is sue in 1920 and he urged vigorous action to prevent the Democratic party from coming under the control of the liquor interests.

Campaign Contributions.-On Nov. 26 the treasurer of the Democratic National Committee (Wilbur W. Marsh) made public the official statement of campaign contributions and disbursements which he is required to file under the New York law. The total amount contributed to the Democratic fund was $1,584,548. Of this $465,556 was received in amounts of less than $100. Contributions of $100 and over amounted to $1,079,319. There was a deficit of something over $300,000 due to expenditures made in branch headquarters. This statement filed at Albany under the New York law does not include either the receipts or disbursements of the Chicago headquarters, which brought the total receipts up to $1,808,348 and the total disbursements to $1,684,589, with bills amounting to $196,000 still outstanding. More than 170,000 individuals contributed to the fund. Mr. Marsh said the Presidential canvass came nearer being financed by popular contributions than any in the history of American politics. Texas led in the rumber of contributors; New York state in the amount contributed.

Senate and House.-The Democrats will control the next Senate by a majority of 12 as against a majority of 16 in the present Congress. Senator Kern, of Indiana, the Democratic floor leader in the Senate, was defeated for reëlection, as was Senator Taggart from that state, who had been serving ad interim by appointment. Senator Lippitt of Rhode Island was defeated by his Democrat opponent, and Senator Martine of New Jersey by his Republican opponent, Frelinghuysen. In the House the two parties have the same number of Representatives. The ability of the Democrats to elect a speaker and organize the House will The report of the treasurer of the depend upon their winning the sup- Republican National Committee (Corport of the former Progressives and nelius N. Bliss) filed with the Clerk of a few members of minor parties of the House of Representatives, and men of independent dispositions. showed total contributions of $2,445,(For complete lists of members-elect | 421 from 34,205 contributors, and ex

penditures of $2,441,565, leaving a | and local funds which amounted to surplus of $3,856. many thousands more. The New In addition to these funds handled York state committees received, for and accounted for by the national example, for the Democrats $206,629, committees there were state, county and for the Republicans $432,027.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Among the publications in American history appearing in 1916, the following are noteworthy, in addition to the special bibliographies listed in other departments of the YEAR BOOK:

ADAMS, Charles Francis.-An Autobiog-
raphy. (Houghton, Mifflin.)
ADAMS, John Quincy. Writings.
Vol.

VI, 1816-19. Ed. by W. Č. Ford.
(Macmillans.)

ALEXANDER, D. S.-History and Procedure of the House of Representatires. (Houghton, Mifflin.)

ALVORD, C. W.-The Mississippi Valley in British Politics. 2 vols. (Arthur H. Clark Co.)-A study of political factors culminating in the Revolution.

ed. The New Régime, 1765-| 1767. (Illinois State Historical Library: Collections, Vol. XI; British Series, Vol. II.)-Documents relating to the British possession of the Illinois Country.

American Year Book, 1915. (Appletons.)

BEVERIDGE, A. J.-The Life of John

Marshall. Vol. I, Frontiersman, Soldier and Lawmaker; Vol. II, Politician, Diplomat and Statesman. (Houghton, Mifflin.)-A monumental biography. These two volumes carry the story to 1800, the date of Marshall's induction to the Supreme Court bench.

BOLTON, E. E., ed.-Spanish Explorations in the Southwest. (Scribners, "Original Narratives of Early American History" Series.) BRADFORD, Gamaliel.-Union Portraits. (Houghton, Mifflin.)-Essays on the great Union leaders except Lincoln. BRYAN, W. B.-History of the National Capital from Its Foundation through the Period of the Adoption of the Organic Act. Vol. II, 1815-78. (Macmillans.)

CHAPMAN, C. E. The Founding

of

Spanish California. (Macmillans.) An important contribution to the history of this region. CHARN WOOD, G. R. B., Lord.-Abraham Lincoln. (Holt, "Makers of the Nineteenth Century.")-A biography for English readers which, though adversely criticised in some particulars, is "conceived in the spirit of a large international understanding." CLEVELAND, C. C.—The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805. (Univ. of Chicago Press.)-A study of the religious emotionalism of the frontier. CORWIN, E. S.-French Policy and the American Alliance of 1778. (Princeton Univ. Press.)

ECKENRODE, H. J.-The Revolution in Virginia. (Houghton, Mifflin.)-Not

entirely local in its scope but treats of some new phases of the Revolution as a whole. EVANS, L. B.-Samuel W. McCall, Governor of Massachusetts. (Houghton, Mifflin.) Devoted mainly to his long political career.

EVJEN, J. O.-Scandinavian_Immigrants in New York, 1630-1674. With Appendices on Scandinavians in Mexico and South America, 1532-1640; Scandinavians in Canada, 1619-1620; Some Scandinavians in New York in the Eighteenth Century; German Immigrants in New York, 1630-1674. (K. C. Holter Co.)

FAUST, A. B.-Guide to the Materials for American History in Swiss and Austrian Archives. (Carnegie Institution.)

HART, A. B.-The Monroe Doctrine: An Interpretation. (Little, Brown.)-A comprehensive treatment of its history and development.

HAYNES, F. E. Third Party Movements Since the Civil War, with Special Reference to Iowa. (State Historical Society of Iowa.)-A good study of minor political parties. HILL, J. P.-The Federal Executive. (Houghton, Mifflin.)-History, present organization and duties of the President's Cabinet and the executive departments.

JOHNSON, W. F.-America's Foreign Relations. 2 vols. (Century.)-An impartial history of the relations of the U. S. with foreign countries. KELLOGG, L. P., ed. Early Narratives of the Northwest. (Scribners, "Original Narratives of Early American History" Series.)

LAWSON, J. D., ed.-American State Trials. Vols. V, VI. (F. H. Thomas Co.)

MAYO, L. S.-Jeffery Amherst: A Biography. (Longmans.)-Amherst was commander of the English forces in the French and Indian War. MERENESS, N. D., ed.-Travels in the American Colonies. (Macmillans.) Hitherto unpublished narratives journeys made in Colonial America, 1690-1780.

of

OLCOTT, C. S.-The Life of William McKinley. 2 vols. (Houghton. Mifflin.) RICHARDS, J. T.-Abraham Lincoln: the Lawyer-Statesman. (Houghton, Mifflin.) Deals with Lincoln primarily as a lawyer.

SEWARD, Frederick W.-Reminiscences of a War Time Statesman and Diplomat, 1830-1915. (Putnams.)-Recollections of William H. Seward's son, Assistant Secretary of State under Lincoln, Johnson and Hayes. WILLIAMS, M. W.-Anglo-American Isthmian Diplomacy, 1815-1915. (American Historical Association.)

II. POPULAR GOVERNMENT AND CURRENT POLITICS

ARTHUR N. HOLCOMBE

Progress of Popular Government.The record of progress in popular government during 1916 is brief. Woman suffrage was voted on by the people in three states, Iowa, South Dakota and West Virginia, and rejected in all. The total number of equal-suffrage states, including Illinois, remains 12. The initiative and referendum were voted on by the people of but one state, Minnesota; although the amendment received a majority of 136,000 of those voting on the question, it was lost under the constitutional requirement of a majority of those voting at the election. The total number of direct-legislation states, therefore, exclusive of the two states, Maryland and New Mexico, which possess the popular referendum but not the initiative, is still 18. The recall was not acted on by the people of any state. Neither the state-wide direct primary nor the Presidential-preference primary made any further progress. The few remaining states in which the statewide direct primary has not yet been established either by law or by party rule for the most part held no legislative sessions in 1916 and do not possess the direct popular initiative; hence there was no opportunity in such states for the adoption of primary laws. The lack of a contest for the Presidential nomination of the Democratic party and the refusal of the two principal candidates for the Republican nomination to engage in an active primary campaign caused a suspension of public interest in the further extension of the Presidential primary system (see also I, Politics and Parties). The Democratic primaries were perfunctory in character, and the contestants in the Republi

can primaries were for the most part restricted to "favorite sons" and other local candidates. The results of the Presidential primaries were consequently of little interest to the people generally. The system cannot be said to have had a fair trial in 1916. Proposals to hold constitutional conventions were voted on in six states, Colorado, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, South Dakota and Tennessee; the proposals were adopted in Massachusetts and New Hamp shire and rejected by the other four states. The present status of popular government is indicated in the table on the next page. (See also VI, Amendments to State Constitutions.)

The outlook for 1917 is more promising. The legislatures of most of the states will be in session and a constitutional convention will be held in one. The work of the constitutional convention in Massachusetts should be particularly interesting. The radical reformers in that state will attempt to secure the adoption of various progressive reforms, notably the initiative and referendum, and the conservative reformers will doubtless attempt to secure the adoption of some plan of legislative and administrative reorganization along the lines indicated by the work of the New York convention of 1915 (A. Y. B., 1915, pp. 87-94).

Progressive Legislation.-During the year there have been sessions of the legislature in only 16 states. In 11 of these there were regular sessions, and in five there were special sessions. The legislatures which met in regular session were those of eastern and southern states, where there was little demand for progressive legislation. The legislatures which met in special

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session, though meeting mostly in the West where the interest in progressive legislation has been greatest, were called to deal with particular emergencies. Consequently few measures relating to the popularization of government were enacted.

State-wide registration laws were adopted in Louisiana and Oklahoma. New Jersey adopted a law providing for personal registration in cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants and authorizing registration by affidavit on the part of persons prevented from registering in person by illness or absence from the state. Absent voters were authorized to vote by registered mail in Virginia, and in any precinct within the state in Oklahoma. A general primary and corrupt-practices law was adopted in Louisiana, and minor changes in Presidential-preference primary laws were made in Massachusetts and South Dakota. Massachusetts also repealed that part of the primary law of 1914 which provided that the voters of all parties should make their nominations at a joint primary upon a single ballot without revealing their party affiliation, and restored a system of party enrolment. Under the new law, which was subImitted to the voters in November for their approval and accepted by them, separate ballots will be provided for each party, and the voter will be required to make his choice between the parties in public and thereafter to affiliate with the same party unless he files notice of a purpose to change his party affiliation. Such changes

do not become effective until after 30 days. Hence it will no longer be pos sible for voters of one party to vote

U. S. census. Women may vote for presidential electors and local officers, and for state officers if the office is created by statute. 3 In six of the 21 states possessing the initiative and referendum, the initiative applies to statutes but not to constitutional amendments, viz., Maine, South Dakota. Montana, Idaho, Utah, and Washington. The referendum only. 5 In four of the ten states possessing the recall, it does not apply to judges, viz., Michigan, The reLouisiana, Idaho, and Washington. call applies also to appointive officers. The recall applies also to judicial decisions. In those states indicated by P.R. the direct_primary is conducted under the rules of the Democratic party, but is not established for all parties by statute. Submission to people already once authorized by legislature but contingent upon favorable action by legislature of 1917.

12 20 NOTE.-Dates in boldface are those of proposed submission to the people; the date 1916 in italics denotes rejection by the people during the year.

States are arranged by geographical diviBions according to the classification of the

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