After hearing the excuses of two of these members, and the acknowledged no good reason of a third, they were all excused in a mass, without payment of fees; which fees, to the amount of two or three hundred dollars, have of course become a charge upon the people, and to be paid with their money. By this operation, between four and five o'clock of the morning, a small quorum of the House was obtained, and, without any vote of the House, the speaker left the chair, which was resumed by the chairman of the Committee of the Whole."

with Mr. Adams, and ends with Mr. Wise-a proof that all the negative votes, were not given upon the same reasons.

The vote was immediately after taken on ordering to a third reading the bill for the admission of the State of Arkansas; which was so ordered by a vote of 143 to 50. The nays were:

"Messrs. John Quincy Adams, Heman Allen, Joseph B. Anthony, Jeremiah Bailey, William K. Bond, Nathaniel B. Barden, George N. Briggs, Mr. Adams resumed his seat, and Mr. Wise Clark, Joseph H. Crane, Caleb Cushing, Edward William B. Calhoun, Timothy Childs, William addressed the committee, particularly in reply Darlington, Harmer Denny, George Evans, to Mr. Cushing. Confusion, noise and disorder Horace Everett, Philo C. Fuller, George Grenbecame great in the Hall. Several members nell, jr., Hiland Hall, Gideon Hard, James Harper, spoke; and cries of “order," and "question" Hiester, Samuel Hoar, William Jackson, Henry Abner Hazeltine, Joseph Henderson, William were frequent. Personal reflections passed, and F. Janes, Benjamin Jones, John Laporte, Aban affair of honor followed between two South- bott Lawrence, George W. Lay, Levi Lincoln, ern members, happily adjusted without blood- Thomas C. Love, Samson Mason, Jonathan shed. The chairman, Mr. Speight, by great McCarthy, Thomas M. T. McKennan, Mathias Morris, James Parker, Dutee J. Pearce, Stephen exertions, had procured attention to Mr. Hoar, C. Phillips, David Potts, jr., John Reed, David of Massachusetts. Afterwards Mr. Adams again | Russell, William N. Shinn, William Slade, John addressed the committee. Mr. Wise inquired Thomson, Joseph R. Underwood, Samuel F. of him whether in his own opinion, if his amend-Vinton, Elisha Whittlesey, Lewis Williams." ment should be adopted, the State of Arkansas would, by this bill, be admitted? Mr. Adams answered―" Certainly, sir. There is not in my amendment the shadow of a restriction proposed upon the State. It leaves the State, like all the rest, to regulate the subject of slavery within herself by her own laws." The motion of Mr. Adams was rejected, only thirty-two members voting for it; being not one third of the members from the non-slaveholding States.

The vote was taken on the Michigan bill first, and was ordered to a third reading by a vote of 153 to 45. The nays were:

Here again the beginning and the ending of the list of voters is remarkable, beginning again with Mr. Adams, and terminating with Mr. Lewis Williams, of North Carolina-two gentlemen wide apart in their political courses, and certainly voting on this occasion on different principles.

it

From the meagreness of these negative votes, is evident that the struggle was, not to pass the two bills, but to bring them to a vote. This was the secret of the arduous session of twentyfive hours in the House. Besides the public objections which clogged their admissionboundaries in one, slavery in the other, alien voting, and (what was deemed by some), revolutionary conduct in both in holding conventions without authority of Congress; besides these public reasons, there was another cause operating silently, and which went more to the postponement than to the rejection of the States. This cause was political and partisar, and grew out of the impending presidential election, to be held before Congress should meet again. Mr. Van Buren was the democratic candidate ; General William Henry Harrison was the candidate of the opposition; and Mr. Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, was brought forward by a fraction which divided from the democratic party. The It is remarkable that this list of nays begins new States, it was known, would vote, if now

"Messrs. John Quincy Adams, Heman Allen, Jeremiah Bailey, John Bell, George N. Briggs, William B. Calhoun, George Chambers, John Chambers, Timothy Childs, William Clark, Horace Everett, William J. Graves, George Grennell, jr., John K. Griffin, Hiland Hall, Gideon Hard, Benjamin Hardin, James Harper, Abner Hazeltine, Samuel Hoar, Joseph R. Ingersoll, Daniel Jenifer, Abbott Lawrence, Levi Lincoln, Thomas C. Love, Samson Mason, Jonathan McCarty, Thomas M. T. McKennan, Charles F. Mercer, John J. Milligan, Mathias Morris, James Parker, James A. Pearce, Stephen C. Phillips, David Potts, jr., John Reed, John Robertson, David Russell, William Slade, John N. Steele, John Taliaferro, Joseph R. Underwood, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams, Henry A. Wise.

which had grown up under it. In the session of 1834-35 these efforts were renewed, chiefly induced by Mr. Albert Gallatin Hawes, representative from Kentucky, who moved for, and attained the appointment of a committee of twenty-four, one from each State; which made a report, for which no consideration could be procured—not even the printing of the report. Baffled in their attempts to get at their object in the usual forms of legislation, the members opposed to the institution resorted to the extraordinary mode of attacking its existence in an appropriation bill: that is to say, resisting appropriations for its support-a mode of proceeding entirely hopeless of success, but justifiable, as they believed, under the circumstances; and at all events as giving them an opportunity to get their objections before the public.

admitted, for Mr. Van Buren; and this furnished stitution, or in the practical administration a reason to the friends of the other candidates (even those friendly to eventual admission, and on which some of them were believed to act), to wish to stave off the admission to the ensuing session.—The actual negative vote to the admission of each State, was not only small, but nearly the same in number, and mixed both as to political parties and sectional localities; so as to exclude the idea of any regular or considerable opposition to Arkansas as a slave State. The vote which would come nearest to referring itself to that cause was the one on Mr. Adams' proposed amendment to the State constitution; and there the whole vote amounted only to 32; and of the sentiments of the greater part of these, including Mr. Adams himself, the speech of that gentleman must be considered the authentic exponent; and will refer their opposition, not to any objection to the admission of the State as slave-holding, but to an unwillingness to appear upon the record as assenting to a constitution which forbid emancipation, and made slavery perpetual. The number actually voting to reject the State, and keep her out of the Union, because she admitted slavery, must have been quite small-not more in proportion, probably, than what it was in the Senate.

CHAPTER CXXXIX.

· ATTEMPTED INQUIRY INTO THE MILITARY

ACADEMY.

THIS institution, soon after its organization under the act of 1812, began to attract public attention, as an establishment unfriendly to the rights of the people, of questionable constitutionality, as being for the benefit of the rich and influential; and as costing an enormous sum for each officer obtained from it for actual service. Movements against it were soon commenced in Congress, and for some years perseveringly continued, principally under the lead of Mr. Newton Cannon, and Mr. John Cooke, representatives from the State of Tennessee. Their speeches and statements made considerable impression upon the public mind, but very little upon Congress, where no amelioration of any kind could be obtained, either in the organization of the in

It was at the session of 1835-36, that this form of opposition took its most determined course; and some brief notices of what was said then may still be of service in awakening a spirit of inquiry in the country, and promoting investigations which have so long been requested and denied. But it was not until after another attempt had failed to do any thing through a committee at this session also, that the ultimate resource of an attack upon the appropriation for the support of the institution was resorted to. Early in the session Mr. Hawes offered this resolution: "That a select committee of nine be appointed to inquire into what amendments, if any, are expedient to be made to the laws relating to the military Academy at West Point, in the State of New-York; and also into the expediency of modifying the organization of said institution; and also whether it would not comport with the public interest to abolish the same: with power in the committee to report by bill or otherwise." Mr. Hawes, in support of his motion reminded the House of the appointment of the committee of the last session, of its report, and his inability to obtain action upon it, or to procure an order for its printing. The resolution which he now submitted varied but in one particular from that which he had offered the year before, and that was in the reduced number of the committee asked for. Twenty-four was a larger number than could be induced to enter into any extended or patient investigation; and he now proposed a commit.

in the attempt to send it to a committee where no inquiry would be made, and in violation of parliamentary practice. He, Mr. Reynolds, had great respect for the members of the military committee; but some of them, and perhaps all, had expressed an opinion in favor of the institution. Neither the chairman, nor any member of the committee had asked for this inquiry; it was the law of parliament, and also of reason and common sense, that all inquiries should go to committees disposed to make them; and it was without precedent or justification, and injurious to the fair conducting of business, to take an inquiry out of the hands of a member that moves it, and is responsible for its adequate prosecution, and refer it to a committee that is against it, or indifferent to it. When a member gets up, and moves an inquiry touching any branch of the public service, or the official conduct of any officer, he incurs a responsibility to the moral sense of the House and of the country. He assumes that there is something wrong-that he can find it out if he has a chance; and he is entitled to a chance, both for his own sake and the country; and not only to have his committee, but to be its chairman, and to have a majority of the members favorable to its object. If it were otherwise members would have but poor encouragement to move inquiries for the public service. Cut off himself from the performance of his work, an indifferent or prejudiced committee may neglect inquiry, or pervert it into defence; and subject the mover to the imputation of preferring false and frivolous motions; and so discredit him, while injuring the public, and sheltering abuse. Under a just report he believed the Academy would wither and die. Under its present organization it is a monopoly for the gratuitous education of the sons and connections of the rich and influential-to be afterwards preferred for army appointments, or even for civil appointments; and to be always provided for as the child

tee of nine only. His resolution was only one of inquiry, to obtain a report for the information of the people, and the action of the House-a species of resolution usually granted as a matter of course; and he hoped there would be no objection to his motion. Mr. Wardwell, of New-York, objected to the appointment of a select committee, and thought the inquiry ought to go to the standing committee on military affairs. Mr. F. O. J. Smith, of Maine, wished to hear some reason assigned for this motion. It seemed to him that a special committee ought to be raised; but if the friends of the institution were fearful of a select committee, and would assign that fear as a motive for preferring the standing committee, he would withdraw his objection. Mr. Briggs, of Massachusetts, believed the subject was already referred to the military committee in the general reference to that committee of all that related in the President's message to this Academy; and so believing, he made it a point of order for the Speaker to decide, whether the motion of Mr. Hawes could be entertained. The Speaker, Mr. Polk, said that the motion was one of inquiry; and he considered the reference of the President's message as not applying to the case. Mr. Briggs adhered to his belief that the subject ought to go to a standing committee. The committee had made an elaborate report at the last session, which was now on the files of the House; and if gentlemen wished information from it, they could order it to be printed. Mr. John Reynolds, of Illinois, said it was astonishing that members of this House, friends of this institution, were so strenuous in their opposition to investigation. If it was an institution founded on a proper basis, and conducted on proper and republican principles, they had nothing to fear from investigation; if otherwise the people had: and the great dread of investigation portended something wrong. His constituents were dissatisfied with this Academy, and expected him to represent the fairly in doing his part to re-ren of the government, getting not only gratuitous form, or to abolish it; and he should not disappoint them. The member from Massachusetts, Mr. Briggs, he said, had endeavored to stifle this inquiry, by making it a point of order to be decided by the Speaker; which augured badly for the integrity of the institution. Failing in that attempt to stifle inquiry, he had joined the member from New-York, Mr. Wardwell,

education, but a preference in appointments. A private soldier, though a young David, slaying Goliath, could get no appointment in our army. He must stand back for a West-Pointer, even the most inefficient, who through favor, or driving, had gone through his course and got his diploma. Promotion was the stimulus and the reward to merit. We, members of Congress, rise

from the ranks of the people when we come the performance of any duty here which he felt here, and have to depend upon merit to get here. it incumbent upon him to discharge. He had Why not let the same rule apply in the army, found much to censure, and believed if the and give a chance to merit there, instead of giv-friends of the institution would take the trouble ing all the offices to those who may have no to investigate it as the committee of twenty-four turn for war, who only want support, and get had done, they would find more to censure in it by public patronage, and favor, because they the principle of the establishment than they have official friends or parents? The report were aware of. There were abuses in this inmade at the last session looks bad for the stitution, developed in that report, of a character Academy. Let any one read it, and he will feel that would not find, he presumed, a single adthat there is something wrong. If the friends vocate upon that floor when they came to be of the institution would suffer that report to be published. He believed the principle of the inprinted, and let it go to the people, it would be stitution was utterly inconsistent with the prina great satisfaction. Mr. Wardwell said the ciple of all other institutions; but he was not last Congress had refused to print the report; for exterminating it. Reformation was his oband asked why it was that these complaints ject. It was the only avenue by which the against the Academy came from the West? people of the country could approach the offices Was it because the Western engineers wanted of the army-the only gateway by which they the employment on the roads and bridges in could be reached. The principle was wrong, place of the regular officers. Mr. Hannegan, of and the practice bad. We saw individuals conIndiana, said he was a member of the military tinually pressing the government for admission committee which made the report at the last into this institution, to be educated professedly session, and which Mr. Wardwell had reminded for the military service, but very frequently, and them the House refused to order to be printed. too generally with the secret design in their And why that refusal? Because the friends of hearts to devote themselves to the civil pursuits the Academy took post behind the two-thirds of society; and this was a fraud upon the govrule; and the order for printing could not be ernment, and a poor way for the future officer to obtained because two-thirds of the House could begin his educational life. When the report of not be got to suspend the rule, even for one hour, the twenty-four came to be printed, as he hoped and that the morning hour. The friends of the it would, it would be seen that this institution Academy rallied, he said, to prevent the suspen-cost the government by far too much for the sion of the rule, and to prevent publicity to the report. Mr. Hamer, of Ohio, said, why oppose this inquiry? The people desire it. A large portion of them believed the Academy to be an aristocratical institution, which ought to be abolished; others believe it to be republican, and that it ought to be cherished. Then why not inquire, and find out which is right, and legislate accordingly? Mr. Abijah Mann, of NewYork, said there was a considerable interest in the States surrounding this institution, and he had seen a strong disposition in the members coming from those States to defend it against all charges. He was a member of the committee of twenty-four at the last session, and concurred partially in the report which was made, which was, to say the least of it, an elaborate examination of the institution from its foundation. He knew that in doing so he had incurred some censure from a part of his own State; but he never had flinched, and never would flinch, from

education of these young men. Whether it sprung from abuse or not, such was the fact when they looked at utility connected with the expenditure. If he recollected the report aright it proved that not more than two out of five who entered the institution remained there long enough to graduate; and not two more out of five graduates who entered the army. If his memory served him right the report would show that every graduate coming from that institution in the last ten years, had cost the United States more than five thousand dollars; and previously a much larger sum; and he believed within one year the graduates had cost upwards of thirty thousand dollars. If there be any truth in these statements the institution must be mismanaged, or misconducted, and ought to be thoroughly investigated and reformed. And he appealed to the friends of the Academy to withdraw their opposition, and suffer the report to be printed, and the select committee to be raised; but he

appealed in vain. The opposition was kept up, and the two-thirds rule again resorted to, and effectually used to balk the friends of inquiry. It was after this second failure to get at the subject regularly through a committee, and a published report, that the friends of inquiry resorted to the last alternative-that of an at tack upon the appropriation. The opportunity for this was not presented until near the end of the session, when Mr. Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, delivered a well-considered and wellreasoned speech against the institution, bottomed on facts, and sustained by conclusions, in the highest degree condemnatory of the Academy; and which will be given in the next chapter.

CHAPTER CXL.

MILITARY ACADEMY-SPEECH OF MR. PIERCE.

sary to take up the resolution of inquiry, and give it its proper reference.

ed? Is it not an institution which has already "Sir, why has this investigation been resistcost this country more than three millions of dollars, for which you propose, in this very bill, an appropriation of more than one hundred and thirty thousand dollars, and which, at the same time, in the estimation of a large portion of the citizens of this Union, has failed, eminently failed, to fulfil the objects for which it was established, of sufficient interest and importance to claim the consideration of a committee of this House, and of the House itself? I should have expected the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Hawes), merely proposing an inquiry, to pass without opposition, had I not witnessed the strong sensation, nay, excitement, that was produced here, at the last session, by the presentation of his yet unpublished report. Sir, if you would have an exhibition of highly excited feeling, it requires little observation to learn that you may produce it at any moment by attacking such laws as confer exclusive and gratuitous privileges. The adoption of the resolution of inquiry, at the last session of Congress, and the appointment of a select committee under it, were made occasion of newspaper "MR. CHAIRMAN:-An attempt was made during paragraphs, which, in tone of lamentation and the last Congress to bring the subject of the re-direful prediction, rivalled the most highly organization of the Military Academy before the country, through a report of a committee. The same thing has been done during the present session, again and again, but all efforts have proved alike unsuccessful! Still, you do not cease to call for appropriations; you require the people's money for the support of the institution, while you refuse them the light necessary "I introduce it here merely to show what are, to enable them to judge of the propriety of in certain quarters, considered the guards and your annual requisitions. Whether the amount defences of society. After various compliments, proposed to be appropriated, by the bill upon similar to that just cited, the article proceeds: your table, is too great or too small, or precisely 'All this is dangerous as novel, and the ultisufficient to cover the current expenses of the mate results cannot be contemplated without institution, is a matter into which I will not at anxiety. If this spirit extends, who can check present inquire; but I shall feel bound to oppose it? Down with the Bank;" "down with the the bill in every stage of its progress. I cannot Military Academy;" "down with the Judicivote a single dollar until the resolution of in- ary;""down with the Senate ;" will be followquiry, presented by my friend from Kentucky ed by watchwords of a worse character.' Here, (Mr. Hawes), at an early day in the session, Mr. Chairman, you have the United States Bank shall be first taken up and disposed of. I am first, and then the Military Academy, as the aware, sir, that it will be said, because I have guards and defences of your country. If it be heard the same declaration on a former occa- so, you are, indeed, feebly protected. One of sion, that this is not the proper time to discuss these guards and defences is already tottering. the merits of the institution; that the bill is to And who are the 'architects of ruin' that have make provision for expenses already incurred resolved its downfall? Are they the base, the in part; and whatever opinions may be enter-ignorant, and the unprincipled? No, sir. The tained upon the necessity of a reorganization, most pure and patriotic portion of your comthe appropriation must be made. I say to gen-munity: the staid, industrious, intelligent fartlemen who are opposed to the principles of the institution, and to those who believe that abuses exist, which ought to be exposed and corrected, that now is their only time, and this the only opportunity, during the present session, to attain their object, and I trust they will steadily real danger to be apprehended from this muchresist the bill until its friends shall find it neces-dreaded levelling principle.

wrought specimens of the panic era. One of those articles I have preserved, and have before me. It commences thus: 'The architects of ruin.-This name has been appropriately given to those who are leading on the base, the ignorant, and the unprincipled, in a remorseless war upon all the guards and defences of society.'

mers and mechanics, through a public servant, who has met responsibilities and seconded their wishes, with equal intrepidity and success, in the camp and in the cabinet, have accomplished this great work. Mr. Chairman, there is no

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