a foreigner, unpossessed of the little details of knowledge of greatest use to them. He makes national questions of all the difficulties which arise; the correspondent prevents them. We carry on commerce with good success in all parts of the world; yet we have not a consul in a single port, nor a complaint for the want of one, except from the persons who wish to. be consuls themselves. Though these considerations may not be strong enough to establish the absolute inutility of consuls, they may make us less anxious to extend their privileges and jurisdictions, so as to render them objects of jealousy and irritation in the places of their residence. That this government thinks them useful, is sufficient reason for us to give them all the functions and facilities which our circumstances will admit. Instead, therefore, of declining every article which will be useless to us, we accede to every one which will not be inconvenient. Had this nation been alone concerned, our desire to gratify them, might have tempted us to press still harder on the laws and opinions of our country. But your Excellency knows, that we stand engaged in treaties with some nations, which will give them occasion to claim whatever privileges we yield to any other. This renders circumspection more necessary. Permit me to add one other observation. The English allow to foreign consuls scarcely any functions within their ports. This proceeds, in a great measure, from the character of their laws, which eye with peculiar jealousy every exemption from their control. Ours are the same in their general character, and rendered still more unpliant, by our having thirteen parliaments to relax, instead of one. Upon the whole, I hope your Excellency will see the causes of the delay which this convention has met with, in the difficulties it presents, and our desire to surmount them; and will be sensible that the alterations proposed, are dictated to us by the necessity of our circumstances, and by a caution, which cannot be disapproved, to commit ourselves to no engagements which we foresee we might not be able to fulfil.

These alterations, with some other smaller ones, which may be offered on the sole principle of joint convenience, shall be the

subject of more particular explanation, whenever your Excellency shall honor me with a conference thereon. I shall then also point out the verbal changes which appear to me necessary, to accommodate the instrument to the views before expressed. In the meantime, I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

ΤΟ

SIR,

PARIS, June 28, 1788.

A treaty of alliance between England and Prussia was signed on the 13th instant. Sweden is believed to have given out a declaration of the reasons of her arming, which has very much the air of a declaration of war against Russia. We have not yet seen it here. It would not be unexpected to hear that she has commenced hostilities. She is subsidized by England, and if she does begin a war, we must believe it to be on the instigation of England, with a view to bring on a general war. This power, with Denmark and Holland, ranging themselves on the side of England, destroys the equilibrium of power at sea, which we had hoped was established. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR DIRLEKS.

PARIS, July 2, 1788.

SIR,-As a private individual and citizen of America, I can with propriety and truth deliver it to you as my firm belief, that the loan office certificate you showed me, and all others of the same kind, will be paid, principal and interest, as soon as the circumstances of the United States will permit: that I do not con

sider this as a distant epoch, nor suppose there is a public debt on earth less doubtful. This I speak as my private opinion. But it does not belong to me to say that it will be paid in two years, or that it will be paid at all, so as by the authority of my affirmation to give it any new sanction or credit. The board of treasury or Congress can alone do this. You will be sensible, therefore, Sir, of the impropriety, and even the hazard, of my going out of the line of my office so far as to undertake, or to aver, that these certificates will be paid within one or two years. On every occasion where I can do it of right, I shall be happy to render you every possible service, being with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble ser

vant.

TO T. L. SHIPPEN, ESQ.

PARIS, July 13, 1788.

DEAR SIR,-In a former letter to Mr. Rutledge, I suggested to him the idea of extending his tour to Constantinople, and in one of to-day, I mention it again. I do not know how far that extension may accord with your plan, nor indeed how far it may be safe for either of you; for, though it has been thought there has been a relaxation in the warlike dispositions of the belligerent powers, yet we have no symptoms of a suspension of hostilities. The Ottoman dominions are generally represented as unsafe for travellers, even when in peace. They must be much more so during war. This article, therefore, merits exact inquiry before that journey is undertaken.

We have letters from America to June 11. Maryland has acceded to the Constitution by a vote of 63 to 11, and South Carolina by 149 to 72. Mr. Henry had disseminated propositions there for a Southern confederacy. It is now thought that Virginia will not hesitate to accede. Governor Randolph has come over to the Federalists. No doubt is entertained of New Hampshire and North Carolina, and it is thought that even New York

will agree when she sees she will be left with Rhode Island alone. Two-thirds of their Convention are decidedly anti-federal. The die is now thrown, and it cannot be many days before we know what has finally turned up. Congress has granted the prayer of Kentucky to be made independent, and a committee was occupied in preparing an act for that purpose. Mr. Barlow, the American pcet, is arrived in Paris.

We expect daily to hear that the Swedes have commenced hostilities. Whether this will draw in the other nations of Europe immediately, cannot be foreseen; probably it will in the long run. I sincerely wish this country may be able previously to arrange its internal affairs. To spare the trouble of repetition, I am obliged to ask of yourself and Mr. Rutledge, to consider the letter of each as a supplement to the other. Under the possi

bility, however, of your going different routes, I enclose duplicates of my letters of introduction. After acknowledging the receipt of your favor of the 6th inst., from Spa, I shall only beg a continuance of them, and that you will both keep me constantly informed how to convey letters to you; and to assure you of those sentiments of sincere esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO DOCTOR GORDON.

PARIS, July 16, 1788. SIR,-In your favor of the 8th instant, you mentioned that you had written to me in February last. This letter never came to hand. That of April the 24th, came here during my absence on a journey through Holland and Germany; and my having been obliged to devote the first moments after my return, to some very pressing matters, must be my apology for not having been able to write to you till now. As soon as I knew that it would be agreeable to you, to have such a disposal of your work for translation, as I had made for Dr. Ramsay, I applied to the same

bookseller with propositions on your behalf. He told me, that he had lost so much by that work, that he could hardly think of undertaking another, and at any rate, not without first seeing and examining it. As he was the only bookseller I could induce to give anything on the former occasion, I went to no other with my proposal, meaning to ask you to send me immediately as much of the work as is printed. This you can do by the Diligence, which comes three times a week from London to Paris. Furnished with this, I will renew my proposition, and do the best for you I can; though I fear that the ill success of the translation of Dr. Ramsay's work, and of another work on the subject of America, will permit less to be done for you than I had hoped. I think Dr. Ramsay failed from the inelegance of the translation, and the translator's having departed entirely from the Doctor's instructions. I will be obliged to you, to set me down as a subscriber for half a dozen copies, and to ask Mr. Trumbull (No. 2, North street, Rathbone Place) to pay you the whole subscription price for me, which he will do on showing him this letter. These copies can be sent by the Diligence. I have not yet received the pictures Mr. Trumbull was to send me, nor consequently that of M. de La Fayette. I will take care of it when it arrives. His title is simply, le Marquis de La Fayette.

On the

You ask, in your letter of April the 24th, details of my sufferings by Colonel Tarleton. I did not suffer by him. contrary, he behaved very genteelly with me. On his approach to Charlottesville, which is within three miles of my house at Monticello, he despatched a troop of his horse, under Captain McLeod, with the double object of taking me prisoner, with the two Speakers of the Senate and Delegates, who then lodged with me, and of remaining there in vidette, my house commanding a view of ten or twelve miles round about. He gave strict orders to Captain McLeod to suffer nothing to be injured. The troop failed in one of their objects, as we had notice of their coming, so that the two Speakers had gone off about two hours before their arrival at Monticello, and myself, with my family, about five minutes. But Captain McLeod preserved everything with