grim specters or both. As the old janitor of the society said: "If we could just do away with drink and vice, this society might just about as well close its doors."

It remains finally to speak of the enormous amount of good that the society is doing. The mere existence of such an organization acts as a powerful check on the actions of passionate, reckless, or thoughtless parents. But much more important are the positive results which it accomplishes. I have already spoken of this, but it deserves emphasis. In conversation with the general agent, I spoke of the work as depressing. He admitted that it was at first, but observed that after one had been in the work longer, and could begin to see results, the aspect changed completely, and I could see that it was true. Things are usually just about as bad as they can be when the society takes hold, and any results achieved must be in the way of improvement. The possibilities of good in every child, however unfortunate his early surroundings, are the hope and the inspiration of the society.

REVIEWS

Der deutsche Gedanke in der Welt. Von PAUL ROHRBACH. Düssel

dorf und Leipzig: Karl Robert Langewiesche Verlag. Pp. 250.

Not to be familiar with the currents of opinion which books of this type represent is to miss one of the most active factors in present German life. What the actual quantity of this influence is, or what its ratio to all the other influences that form German public opinion, is in the nature of the case uncertain. The volume before us bears the legend "Thirtyfirst to fortieth thousand." As a curiosity it might deserve that sale, but probably its circulation depends chiefly upon people who were either convinced before, or are inclined to lend an ear to its argument. It apparently voices the views of the Allgemeiner evangelisch-protestantischer Missionsverein, and it certainly has the pulpit manner of the propagandist.

The book would belong in a museum of pathological exhibits, if there were not thousands of otherwise sane and intelligent Germans whose ideas on the manifest destiny of Germany, and the reason for it, are in a way reflected in its pages.

The substance of the book may be expressed in a few words: first, "the idea of the moral as an absolute quantity, indeed for our intelligence the only absolutely existing quantity, constitutes the aim and the norm of human progress"; second, "'the German idea' is that we have been placed in the world in order to achieve and to preserve moral excellence not only for ourselves but for all humanity" (p. 6). The author does not explicitly say that the Germans alone are placed in the world for this purpose, nor that their type of moral excellence is superior to all others, but the whole argument of the book would be pointless if this were not the assumption suggested, and if the suggestion were not kept active from cover to cover. The outspoken reason for appeal to Germans to enlist in a campaign for German aggression, moral if that proves sufficient, but forcible if necessary, is that "Anglo-Saxendom has developed such numbers and strength that it bids fair to become the dominating power in civilization" (p. 7). Then the whole argument is a variation of the theme, "Anglo-Saxendom must be put under."

The preposterous character of the argument might not be demonstrable from this pretentiousness alone, but it certainly appears when this factor is seen presently in the light of the confession of national dis

abilities which the author proceeds to unfold. Rohrbach is aware of no incongruity in repeating his slogan in spite of his testimony that England has developed a higher type of political morality than any other nation! (P. 112.) By judicious expurgation of the refrain "We must beat Anglo-Saxendom, England particularly," we might have left one of the most pitiless exposures of the moral weaknesses of the Germans that has ever been written. The author's state of mind seems to be naïvely childish in claiming moral superiority for the Germans simply because they are Germans, while he denies to them practically every important moral quality as a people, in distinction from moral qualities that are as individualistic as possible. No one can deny that the Germans are conspicuous for such virtues as patience, thrift, thoroughness, truthfulness, etc. On the other hand, everybody knows that the Germans have always been conspicuously lacking in the larger morality; that is in the constructive social virtues which have distinguished Englishmen. The author himself quotes (p. 108) Goethe's exclamation: "The German people, individually so respectable, collectively so miserable!" (Cf. p. 126.) It has taken the strong arm of the tyrant, the benevolent despot, the war lord, to make Germans act together. Rohrbach exhibits this in greater detail than foreigners would care to allege. In fact it would be necessary to change merely a few of the minor passages in the book to make it amount to this: "Behold how superior are the English, and how inferior the Germans in the ranges of social morals that make nations strong, yet we must down them because they are English and we are Germans."

For example, the absence of social morals among the Germans is bemoaned in such matters as these: political and religious dismemberment (pp. 10 f.; cf. p. 125), and the author unconsciously furnishes a typical exhibit of German provincialism by a petulant attack on Prussia (p. 15); the failures of German emigrants to spread the German idea (p. 16); the sin of German Catholicism in not being protestant (pp. 2129); the absence of patriotism in the large and high sense, in contrast with stickling for petty interests (pp. 36 f.); the Social Democrats represent complete negation of "the German idea" (pp. 43 f.); absence of cosmopolitan ambitions (pp. 48 f.); incapacity of Germans to make voluntary sacrifices in the interest of the national idea (p. 56); the unpatriotic character of the wealthy classes in Germany (pp. 59 f.); the German educational system is a weak support for the national idea (pp. 97 f.); the dependence of Germans upon the bureaucracy (pp. 109 f.); increase of use of the law in favoritism toward the upper classes

(pp. 118 f.); Protestantism and Catholicism in Germany are alike in the service of the class idea (pp. 127 f.); the failures of the Germans in colonization (pp. 133 f.), etc.

The notable thing about this book is not its main contention. No one can mix much with the Germans on German soil without hearing the changes rung upon that theme in all possible keys. The diplomatic class alone elaborately disclaims such views, while the academic class expresses them rarely and with careful qualifications. Yet there is a considerable literature in the service of the idea that Germans must force their way to primacy in the world's affairs. The astonishing thing in this instance is the author's own refutation of his premises, with no loss of faith in his foregone conclusion. This is dangerous fanaticism, and particularly when it speaks in the name of religion, or even of ethics. The German army and navy are menaces to the world so long as there are Germans subject to the delusion that morality consists in being German instead of being moral.

ALBION W. SMALL

Sex Education. By IRA S. WILE. New York: Duffield & Co., 1912. Pp. 150. $1.00.

Starting with the conviction that sexual education should be carried on in the home rather than in the school, Dr. Wile has explicitly the purpose of assisting parents to banish the difficulties and to suggest a program for developing a course of instruction. This explicit purpose is much hampered by the repeated intrusion of mere statements of the necessity of sexual education, and by the resulting paucity of details in regard to the course of instruction.

Childhood is regarded as divided into the age of mythology, the age of chivalry, and the age of civic awakening. By adapting the instruction to the characteristics of these periods, it is possible to build up a progressive system of teachings in regard to the sexual constitution, and of appeals for sexual purity. Dr. Wile gives only a cursory statement of these characteristics and of the items in the program for each period. The result is that the program, even as far as outlined, can be carried out only by parents who have a considerable knowledge of "child-study" and physiology, and for such parents his outline would not be of great value.

There is a final chapter on terminology of reproductive organs and a two-page bibliography of rather non-technical works in regard to sex. EDWIN H. SUTHERLAND

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

The Religion Worth Having. By THOMAS NIXON CARVER. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co. Cambridge: The Riverside Press. Pp. 140. $1.00.

In view of "the new sectarianism," which says that one religion is as good as another provided its adherents live up to their ideals, the question is raised: "What is the best religion ?" and the author answers: "that is the best religion which (1) acts most powerfully as a spur to energy, and (2) directs that energy most productively" (p. 13). He thinks that modern Christianity has lost its primitive motive power, and the problem of religion today is that of restoring its original potency as a motive force in combination with its modern intelligent though feeble endeavors (p. 15). There are two conflicting philosophies of life confronting us in the problem: (1) the pig-trough philosophy whose chief aim is enjoyment; and (2) the workbench philosophy whose chief aim is productive achievement.

Religion is a means, not an end, and hence that is the religion worth having which spurs men to economic achievement rather than enjoyment.

The underlying philosophy of the author with respect to life is that of struggle, and the "let-alone" attitude toward all economic competition (p. 54). He seems to have little sympathy with the "Progressives" in politics (pp. 57-58). He has little sympathy with socialists (p. 61), and he seems to discount to some extent the sociologists, whom he mentions as "certain half-baked moralists, of the sociological type, etc." (p. 78).

He defines the kingdom of God as "a kingdom of productive power at work" (p. 126), and from this idea he develops the notion of a fellowship to come which he describes as "the fellowship of the productive life," and he adds: "If the Christian fellowship becomes a fellowship for the promotion of the productive life, then Christians will become more productive farmers, mechanics, and business and professional men than non-Christians. If that result should be achieved, Christians will eventually own the farms, fill the shops and the offices, and direct the business affairs of the world. If that should happen, this will be a Christian world, otherwise it will not" (p. 127).

It would seem, therefore, that the religion worth having is that religion which embodies the "workbench philosophy" and by so doing inherits the earth-but there are those who will insist that it must be a philosophy in harmony with the workbench philosophy of the Carpenter of Nazareth.