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of French Workmen, the Confederation Generale du Travail, the meeting expelled the I. W. W. representative, admitted the A. F. of L. representative, and repudiated the organization and ideas of the I. W. W. The program of the A. F. of L. at the International Conference is expressed in the following instructions given to him by its executive council:
"(1) We do not favor anti-patriotism or anti-militarism in the sense as proposed by representatives of the C. G. du T. of France;
"(2) We do not favor the general strike as proposed by the C. G. du T.;
"(3) We favor the organization of an International Federation of Labor, the representatives of the International Trade Union centers not to be confined to the secretaries thereof;
"(4) That every means be taken to prevent the exportation of strike breakers from one country to another, whether a strike is in actual existence or in contemplation;
"(5) For legislation in the several countries more uniform in character, governing hours of labor of women and men in dangerous trades, and for the abolition or restriction of the labor of children under the age of fourteen in any gainful occupation;
"(6) For safety appliances, sanitary conditions of labor, housing reforms and improvement of the workers;
"(7) The publication of an official monthly journal or bulletin by the International Secretariat or International Federation of Labor in several languages, in which shall be given the state of trade in each country, conditions of labor, progress and legislation and all other matters affecting the labor movement in the various countries. Also invite next conference be held in San Francisco in 1915."
In 1913 the name of the International Secretariat was changed to the International Federation of Trade Unions, and it was voted to meet in San Francisco in 1915. Twenty-two countries comprised the Federation: Great Britain, France, Belgium, The Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Germany, Austria, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia-Slavonia, Hungary, Serbia, Roumania, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, United States, New Zealand and British South Africa.
In consequence of the war, however, the San Francisco meeting of 1915 could not be held, and the work of the International Federation was virtually suspended. In 1916 a proposed meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions in Berne, Switzerland, was cancelled. Varied and frequent detailed correspondence between labor representatives of neutral and belligerent countries found no way of bringing about a satisfactory international meeting. When the inter-Allied labor conference was held in London, September 17, 18, 19, 1918, delegates of the A. F. of L. were present and presented resolutions which were adopted by the conference outlining the ideas of the Federation in regard to a peace settlement and what should be the main conditions of the peace treaty. The part relating to the special interest of the wage earners of all nations was expressed as follows:
That in law and in practice the principles shall be recognized that labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce. Involuntary servitude shall not exist except as punishment for crime whereof the party shall be duly convicted.
"The right of free association, free assemblage, free speech and free press shall not be abridged.
"No article or commodity shall be shipped or delivered in international commerce in the production of which children under the age of 16 years shall have been employed or permitted to work.
"It shall be declared that the basic work day in industry and commerce shall not exceed eight hours per day.
"Trial by jury should be established."
INTERNATIONAL LABOR CONFERENCE IN WASHINGTON
At the Peace Conference in Paris, a considerable part of the negotiations related to the share to be given to labor and the settlement of labor questions in connection with the political settlements. Labor organizations and Socialist organizations of the world demanded that labor should be officially recognized at the Peace Conference. We have given elsewhere the nine sections relating to labor that formed the resolution passed by the special committee on labor appointed by the representatives of the Entente and Allied power. It was decided that the First International Labor Conference resulting from the Peace Conference should take place in Washington.
Representatives from forty countries attended the meetings of the Conference in Washington October 29 to November 20, 1919. After three weeks of sessions the principles agreed upon and which were to be submitted to the Conference for adoption during the final week, were as follows:
First. The adoption of the eight-hour day and the forty-eighthour week principles, with the exception that (a) where less than eight hours are worked on some days of the week, the hours not worked may be redistributed on other days, but with no day to exceed nine hours, and (b) that in continuous processes the limit shall not exceed fifty-six hours a week. All overtime to be paid not less than time and a quarter. This agreement cannot lower any higher standards already established by law or collective agreement.
Second. The prohibition of work in industries between 10 P. M. and 5 A. M. for all women, through the substitution of a modernized and enlarged convention for that adopted at Berne in 1906.
Third. The prohibition of the employment in industry of children under fourteen years of age, except for certain special arrangements to be made in Japan and India.
Fourth. A special commission deals with limitation of hours of work in Eastern and other special countries.
The conference issued a statement, from which the following is quoted:
"For the first time nations have agreed to submit the recommendations of an international labor measure to their legislative bodies for approval, for it should be clearly understood that until such approval is given no state is in any sense bound. The present conference, therefore, will not merely meet, adopt and pass resolutions and then adjourn, but will have the guarantee of each of the forty states represented to present its findings officially to the competent legislative authorities within one year.
"The conference is, moreover, more widely representative than any other yet held. It includes not only the highly developed industrial states of Europe and North America, but the less developed states of South America, Africa and Asia. While of course this particular representation of states with such widely varying standards makes agreement most difficult to obtain, it serves, nevertheless, on the one
hand, to obtain to those states which are now becoming industrialized, the safeguards of a more liberal industrial legislation, and, on the other hand, to protect the more advanced states from the unfair competition of lower standards.
"The organization of the conference into three groups, governments, employers and workers, have also had a salutary effect. Not only has it led the employers and workers of different countries to unite on an identical program, without fear of any unfair competition from states having lower standards, but it has also assured the support of each group to any decision finally reached by the conference. Consequently, the conference's recommendation will not only have been thoroughly thrashed out by the various groups in each country called upon to endorse them, but each nation will be free of the fear of jeopardizing its interest by adopting legislation more liberal than that of its neighbors. Probably the most important outgrowth of the conference will be the constitution of the International Labor Office, which is designed to be the permanent labor office organization, associated with the League of Nations. Its function will be to act as a clearing house for information on all international labor problems, to register laws and regulations, and prepare the addenda for the annual conferences. Already many problems have been referred to it by the conference for examination."
In connection with the reference to the International Labor Office created by the conference, it may be noted that this office is already functioning in important matters and that it had in contemplation sending a delegation to Russia to investigate the present situation and the possibility of opening up industrial relations between Russia and other nations represented by the International Labor Conference. It prepared a report on Russia for the instruction of this delegation. The Soviet government, however, refused to allow it to enter Russia. This is merely part of its consistent opposition to the League of Nations.
THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND THE THIRD
In the course of a statement issued by Mr. Gompers in the American Federationist. in regard to the attitude of the Federation of Labor toward appeals of the International Federation
of Trade Unions of Amsterdam and the British Labor Party for resistance on the part of labor to aggressive action against Soviet Russia, this official statement characterizes the appeal from Amsterdam and from London as "thoroughly revolutionary and obviously animated by the desire to use extreme measures to strengthen the Soviet hold on Russia and to enable it to extend its influence and to dominate neighboring countries."
"The American Federation of Labor is not a revolutionary body and has never had any affiliation with any revolutionary body which would require it to give serious consideration to revolutionary proposals of any kind. While recognizing the need of revolution against autocratic governments, organized labor of this country regards the American government as being essentially democratic. The American Federation of Labor is particularly and utterly opposed to anything that preaches any form of assistance to Soviets.
"There have been indications that the Italian uprising and the radical stand by Smillie in England were planned to take place at the same time as the expected fall of Warsaw and to mark the beginning of a general Bolshevik or nearBolshevik upheaval throughout Europe.
"We are living in. a Republic based upon the principles of firm justice and universal suffrage. Our men and women are not likely to throw these rights and principles into the scrap heap for the dictatorship of Moscow, Lenine and Trotzky. These harangues of the Soviets in Russia will fall on deaf ears of American organized labor movements."