for its purpose the destruction of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen and the Switchmen's Union, and its inception had nothing to do with the wage question, but was a demand for reinstatement of the leader of this opposition organization. After this strike was instituted for this purpose, the leaders of the new organization then injected the wage question for the sole purpose of deceiving the yardmen throughout the United States and to promote the 'One Big Union' idea. There can be no settlement of pending wage questions while this illegal act continues. We insist that every member of these brotherhoods do everything within their power to preserve their existing contracts, which, if abrogated, may take years to rebuild. The laws of all these organizations provide penalties for members engaging in illegal strikes, and these penalties will be enforced. E. L. Sheppard, president, Order of Railroad Conductors; W. G. Lee, President, Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen; W. S. Stone, grand chief engineer, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers; W. S. Carter, president, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Trainmen."

Even before the issuing of this statement, Mr. Lee, president of the Railroad Trainmen, requested Congress to take no connizance of that strike and not to recognize the strikers in any way, declaring that the Brotherhood itself would attend to it and bring it to an end.

He says: "We will resist every effort to settle this illegal strike by mediation. There is nothing to mediate with the insurgents, and the fight now is to preserve the recognized labor organization."

This latest development is simply a continuation of the series of illegal strikes that have been especially frequent during the last year or more, aimed largely at the authority of the officials. of the Federation of Labor, and which have taxed the organization to its utmost. The Federation is doing its utmost to prevent and terminate all such strikes, for two reasons: First, as a measure of self-preservation; and, second, as the best way of gaining the sympathy and support of the public for labor, a sympathy which is seriously jeopardized by any such strikes as inconvenience the public and endanger health and safety. This seems particularly necessary to the labor leaders, in view of the approaching elections.

CHAPTER IV

Socialism in Politics

An interesting experiment in what is a program of State Socialism is being carried out in North Dakota. It is based upon seven measures which have been adopted by the Legislature of the State. These measures provide for a State bank, owned by the State, to be the depository of State, county, municipal and school district funds, and to make loans, secured by property of twice their value; for an industrial commission that will arrange for the conduct of this bank and appoint its managers and also arrange for the operation of the Terminal Elevator Mill Association and the Home Building Association; for an Immigration Commission to advertise the advantages of the State and to induce settlers to come in; for a newspaper to be owned and operated by the State in every county; for making certain changes in the judicial system; for the concentration of State control over the public school system and over penal and charitable institutions; for a one-man Tax Commission. (The "Outlook," and other sources, in National Labor Digest, September, 1919.)

The campaign which resulted in the adoption of this system was headed by the famous A. C. Townley, and the organization which took charge of the propaganda work, as well as the political work, was the Non-Partisan League.

It is essentially a movement under the direction of the farmers. Farming is the one great industry in the State. The principal argument used by Townley and his lieutenants with the farmers has been to argue that they were being exploited by big business, by the Chamber of Commerce, by the railroads, by the bankers, in fact, by every other interest outside of their own farming interest. It was argued that if they had their own banks they could borrow money at a low rate of interest; that if they had their own grain elevator they could store their grain at cost.

The League program of 1919, drawn up by Townley, provided for the establishment of the Bank of North Dakota, the Mill and Elevator Association, the Home Building Association, and other radical organizations, all under the control of the Industrial Commission. The management of the bank was examined into not long ago and the bank was closed as practically bankrupt, but since then it has been reopened. The experiment will be watched

with great interest, especially by neighboring states, where the Non-Partisan League has been gradually acquiring great influence, and where it is quite possible that a similar experiment will be tried.

The attitude taken toward this movement by the Socialist Party during the early part of its career is illustrated by the following resolution in 1917.

"Whereas, A new political party called the National NonPartisan League, that according to the report made upon the same by Comrade Spargo to this convention, offers promise of speedily acquiring political power for a certain division of the industrial class of the United States, viz.: the toilers of the soil; and

"Whereas, In North Dakota and other states it appears that large numbers of comrades have affiliated with the League in the hope of speedy economic reforms through political victory under the banners of the League, and such movement being already at work in many other states with a fair promise of success in all, and it being apparent that the National Non-Partisan League presents a problem for solution that must be met and must be solved if the Socialist Party is to continue as a political or social force in such states as are invaded by the League. It being further manifest that many of the comrades in such League states propose to affiliate with the said League, merely for the reason that they mistake the mission of the Socialist Party.

"It, therefore, becomes the duty of this convention to reaffirm the principles of Socialism, and declare the positions of the party in the performance of its historic mission.

"Now, therefore, be it resolved, That the Socialist Party being the political arm of the working class in its fight for industrial freedom, and its power resting mainly in its clear cut, specific declaration of political and economic principles, rather than in the number of votes cast for party candidates, and the purpose of the Socialist movement being the emancipation of the working class from economic servitude, rather than the election to office of candidates, it is, therefore, declared to be the sense of this convention, that all state organizations facing the solution of this question be urged to remember that to fuse or to compromise is to be swallowed up and utterly destroyed; that they be urged to maintain the revolutionary position of the Socialist

Party and maintain in the utmost possible vigor the propaganda of Socialism, unadulterated by association of office seekers, to the end that the solidarity of the working class, the principles of international Socialism may continue to lay the foundations for the social revolution.

The social revolution, not political office, is the end and aim of the Socialist Party. No compromise, no political trading." (Resolution of the Socialist Convention at St. Louis, 1917.)

CHAPTER V

International Relations of American Organized Labor Almost from the beginning relations were opened between the American Federation of Labor and European workmen's organizations. Representatives of French workmen came to America in 1883 to open relations with the Federated Union of the central region of France. In 1885 the A. F. of L. endorsed an international law proposed by the government of Switzerland for regulating labor. In 1887 the A. F. of L. was invited to send a delegate to the International Trade Union Convention in London in 1888, but it was considered wiser to first unite the labor organizations of America before trying to unite with the workingmen of Europe.

When the International Labor Congress was held in Paris in 1889, notwithstanding the fact that the Second International was founded at that time, no steps were taken to join in the movement, nor was any encouragement found in 1890 for joining an International Labor Conference. The conservative character of the A. F. of L. prevented any co-operation with the various Socialist Congresses in Europe. An invitation to send a delegate to the International Congress of Socialists in 1895 was declined as it would imply recognition of the Socialist Party. In 1899 the President of the A. F. of L. was instructed to invite representatives of foreign trade unions to attend the A. F. of L. Convention, and the delegates sent over by the British Trade Union Congress were heartily welcomed.

It was not until 1910, however, that the A. F. of L. delegate to the International Secretariat offered a resolution recommending to the trade union centers the formation of an International Federation of Labor, and it was placed on the program for consideration in 1911. It provided that autonomy of the trade union movement of each country be guaranteed.

The misrepresentation of the A. F. of L. in Europe by repre sentatives of Industrial Unionism came to a head in 1911 at the International Labor Convention at Budapest when a representative of the I. W. W. in the United States attempted to present himself as the sole proper representative of labor from America in opposition to the delegate from the A. F. of L. Although the I. W. W. representative - the since notorious Foster was sup ported by French representatives of the Syndicalist organization