CHAPTER I

Relations With Soviet Russia

The impetus given to the revolutionary activity in the United States through the success of the proletarian revolution in Russia renders it important to determine upon a firm policy towards the Russian regime. Although the foreign policy of this government cannot be influenced in any way by this Committee, we feel impelled by the circumstances to make clear our position upon this subject. There appears to be a growing sentiment on the part of many persons, including members of the Senate of the United State, to recognize Soviet Russia. Recent advices from European capitals indicate that in some of them the same tendency is being shown, France alone having taken determined stand against such recognition.

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The continued successes of the Russian arms and the apparent consolidation of the Soviet regime have stimulated the activity of those elements in our society which seek the overthrow of our government and the destruction of its institutions. The confidence thus engendered in these groups is well expressed by a cartoon which appears in the February issue of the "Liberator —a radical magazine published in this city. It depicts the premiers of the allied countries and President Wilson seated on one side of a chess table, and Lenin on the other. The title of the cartoon is "Checkmate, Gentlemen," and it bears this legend: "There are just two moves they can make war against Russia which will mean revolution at home; peace with Russia which will mean the spread of Soviet principles throughout the world."

The recognition of Soviet Russia by this country has been the subject of much agitation. It has been inspired and directed in large measure through the Russian Soviet Bureau in New York City under the leadership of Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, representative in the United States of the Russian Soviet regime. It has enlisted the energies of three groups in our society-first, the radical revolutionaries who seek to substitute for the government and institutions of the United States a Soviet form of government; second, the liberals who sympathize with the Russian Soviet regime; and third, certain banking and commercial interests who believe they see vast commercial possibilities in Russian trade.

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It is claimed that the Russian Soviet regime stands ready to make many concessions to western democracies in order to gain their recognition. We are told that it will abandon its worldwide propaganda for the international Socialist revolution that it stands ready to pay in part the international debt of the late Russian Empire- and in other matters to conduct itself in such a manner as to warrant its admission to the family of nations. There can be no question that those in charge of the Russian Soviet regime will appear to make such concessions in order to gain their ends, it being vital to its continued existence that it obtain certain manufactured products and raw materials from the western countries as well as their financial aid.

It is the purpose of this Committee however, to point out that recognition of the present Russian Soviet regime would not lead to a modification of their theories or practices. On the other hand, it would give it added strength to carry on propaganda for world-wide revolution.

Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, the representative in this country of the Russian Soviet regime, in his testimony before this Committee stated that he was a member of the Russian Communist Party; that that party was in control of Soviet Russia, and that the Soviet regime is founded upon the principles of that party. These prnciples are set forth in unmistakable terms in a manifesto issued by a congress of international revolutionary Socialists held in Moscow in March, 1919. This congress was called at the instance of the leaders of the Russian Communist Party for the purpose of re-establishing the International- that is to say, for the purpose of re-creating an international body governing and controlling the revolutionary Socialist elements in all countries. with the object of bringing about the international solidarity of the working classes; to guide and direct them in their respective countries in what is known as the class struggle, namely, the struggle to seize the powers of government for the working class and the establishment of proletarian rule throughout the world.

The declaration of principles and the governing rules of this International were promulgated in the form of the manifesto above referred to, which bears the signatures of Lenin, Trotzky, Rafkowsky, Zenoviev and Fritz Platten. In that document it is made plain that only those elements of the Socialist movement in other countries which had remained true to the principles of international revolutionary Socialism during the war, i e., had refused support to their respective governments in the war,

would be admitted to this Third International. Those branches of the Socialist movement like the majority Socialists of Germany and the majority Socialists of France' were branded in this document as social patriots and traitors to the international revolutionary Socialist movement.

This manifesto which is addressed to the proletariat of all lands clearly states that the objective of the international revolutionary movement is the establishment in all lands of working-class government and advocates as a means the creation of workmen's councils. It states:

"Seizure of political power by the proletariat means destruction of the political power of the bourgeoisie. The organized power of the bourgeoisie is in the civil State, with its capitalistic army under control of bourgeoisiejunker officers, its police and gendarmes, jailers and judges, its priests, government officials, etc. Conquest of the political power means not merely a change in the personnel of ministries but annihilation of the enemy's apparatus of government."

And again:

"The Communist parties, far from conjuring up civil war artificially, rather strive to shorten its duration as much. as possible in case it has become an iron necessity to minimize the number of its victims, and above all to secure victory for the proletariat. This makes necessary the disarming of the bourgeoisie at the proper time, the arming of the laborers, and the formation of a communist army as the protector of the rule of the proletariat and the inviolability of the social structure.”

At about the same time an attempt was made by the Socialists of various countries to revive what is known as the Second International, which was organized in 1889 and endured until the outbreak of the World War. A congress was called to meet at Berne, Switzerland. The majority of this congress, however, was made up of those Socialists who had supported their respective governments during the war.

The significance of these international conventions which have been dealt with in Part I of this report, and their bearing upon the question of Soviet recognition, is disclosed by the action taken by the Socialist Party of America with respect to them. When