GENERAL INTRODUCTION

In the first part of this report the Committee has presented its findings with respect to the seditious and revolutionary movement in the State of New York, has traced its connections with the similar movements in other countries and in other parts of the United States; has defined the purposes and objects of the movement, the tactics and methods employed, and, in a measure, has appraised the extent to which it has spread. These findings are of so grave a character that the Committee feels it necessary that the Legislature of the State of New York take serious cognizance of the facts presented; not only with a view to constructive legislative action but with the feeling that, in session and out of session, it is everyone's duty to search for remedies to cure or at least alleviate the danger.

If the great forces which have been set in motion are not checked and the movements redirected into constructive and lawful channels, the country faces the most serious problems that it has had to meet since the establishment of this Republic.

In addition to the duty of inquiring into the nature and extent of the seditious activities, this Committee was charged with the duty of making recommendation to the Legislature, with a view to the enactment of such legislation as may be necessary to protect the government of the State and to insure the maintenance of the constitutional rights of its citizens. The problems which confront the States and Nations, however, cannot be solved by legislative enactment alone. They must be met by the loyal and courageous co-operation of the citizens of this Republic who believe that within the present structure of American society can be worked out all necessary reforms, without resorting to a new and untried scheme of social and governmental reconstruction.

In this part of the report the Committee addresses itself not only to the problems presented in the First Part, but to all the problems in the economic and social field that have forced themselves on its attention in the course of the investigation. This is the most difficult part of the problem, and, by far, the most important. The suggestions and recommendations made by the Committee do not pretend to meet adequately the situation. It

aims more particularly to map out the present situation, the policies of the various economic groups, the reasons for conflicting aims and actions. It is the hope of the Committee that the problems outlined in this report will receive the earnest and careful study of the members of the Legislature and of those persons into whose hands it comes, in order that they, too, may aid in a concerted effort to bring about economic and social peace.

In dealing with these problems the Committee finds it convenient to discuss them under the following headings:

(1) Protective governmental measures.

(2) Organized labor and capital in industrial problems.

(3) Education, having particular reference to immigrant education and citizenship training.

In dealing with protective governmental measures, the Committee is impressed with the fact that there is no need for further repressive legislation in the State of New York. The adequacy of our present statute dealing with Criminal Anarchy is unquestioned. The need for its enforcement, however, is pressing, and the peculiar character of crises against the State has rendered it difficult for local district attorneys to properly prepare and render indictments against those who are guilty of violating this statute. It is for this reason that the Committee has recommended to the Legislature the establishment of a bureau under the direction of the attorney-general of the State, which is to act as a clearing house for information gathered from all parts of the State, respecting violations of this statute, and to co-operate with the various district attorneys in the preparation and prosecution of all such violations. Its purpose is not repressive but informative.

It has been proved that the subversive movements are, in large measure, inspired by the success of the Russian revolution, and although this Committee is not in a position to influence in any way the foreign policy of the United States, it considers it important to point out the consequences of recognition of Soviet Russia, and to make clear, after a thorough and exhaustive study, that it desires to go on record as firmly opposing the recognition of that regime, and urges upon those charged with the duty of conducting the foreign affairs of this nation to withhold such recognition and to deny the resumption of trade relations with that country, which, owing to the annexation of the Russian co-operatives by the government and the abolition of private trading would in itself involve the recognition of that government.

It is the belief of this Committee that should the Russian Soviet regime be destroyed and a democratic form of government be established in Russia, the menace to American institutions from radical sources would, in large measure, be dissipated.

There are other problems, however, much more fundamental, which cannot be dealt with by penal statutes nor by the enforce ment of repressive legislation. The seeds of unrest which are sown by agitators are, in large measure, nourished by improper economic conditions as well as by a lack of knowledge of not only our political institutions and laws but of the simplest economic conditions and laws which exist in a large body of our population. This condition is due in a large measure to the neglect which persons of means, culture and position, leaders in finance and business and men in governmental authority have shown toward the problems of industrial relations and education. This neglect verges on the criminal when we consider its effect on public welfare.

It is, therefore, necessary that this report shall undertake to present those problems in the industrial field, which contribute to the success of the revolutionary movement, and also to discuss. educational problems and deficiencies which confront the people of the State of New York.

In discussing the questions of industrial relations, it is necessary to distinguish the labor organizations which are led by conservative and constructive leaders, such as the American Federation of Labor, from the subversive labor groups, which are founded upon the principles of industrial unionism and the One Big Union idea.

No minor differences must be allowed to interfere with the co-operation of the constructive forces that must together work out the best solutions of our troubles.

It is essential to recognize one big basic fact: that we must adopt as our guides the great religious and ethical standards that have been almost by everyone thrown into the discard in any but purely personal relations. The open enmity of Bolshevism, Communism and Socialism to every form of religion and every moral standard, their open appeal to the purely material and selfish side and instincts of human nature, are merely extreme instances of a very general condition. The present industrial war is a war of egotisms. No group has any regard for the comfort, safety or rights of other groups or of the public, when

ever the comfort, safety or rights stand in the way of the group's selfish demands. This fact has been brought home to all of us by the recent "outlaw" railway strike with its side-shows of minor strikes to hold up food supplies and business and disrupt all business activities.

It is time we awoke to the fact that the lack of religious and moral training which distinguishes this generation has given full swing to the baser instincts. What can be done to re-create right standard of right and wrong, of subordination of private to public good; to stimulate mutual understanding by frankness and the application of new standards of justice and mutual confidence. Knowledge of the facts is the first step in dispelling distrust. This knowledge we aim to suggest in this part of the report.