Thus, the ratio of black to white income among husband-wife elderly families rose from 65 percent to 73 percent over that seven-year period.11

A more significant narrowing of the income gap occurred between black and white families headed by elderly females. While the median income of elderly families headed by white women increased 66 percent between 1969 and 1976, the median income of elderly families headed by black women rose 91 percent. Consequently, the black to white income ratio among families headed by women jumped from 44 to 51 percent.

Even the majority of elderly black families who are poor own their own homes and are least likely to live in public housing or subsidized rental units.

But this improvement in the income status of elderly blacks was not confined to those living in families. Even among the elderly who lived alone, the median income of black men increased 120 percent (from $1,321 to $2,900) between 1969 and 1976, compared to an increase of 82 percent (from $2,336 to $4,245) among white males. But among elderly women living alone, the increase in income over this seven-year period was about the same for blacks (95 percent, from $1,263 to $2,547) and whites (90 percent, from $1,838 to $3,497). Thus, while the income ratio between elderly black and white women living alone remained unchanged at about 70 percent, the black to white income ratio among

elderly males rose from 57 percent to 68 percent.

One reason for the disproportionate improvement in the economic status of elderly blacks is that their incomes were so abysmally low in 1969. And, despite this progress, the income of the average elderly black female-headed family today is only half that of the average elderly white female-headed family. Whether they are living in husband-wife families or alone, the incomes of elderly black men and women are only two-thirds that of their white counterparts.

Most important, however, is the fact that the median income of elderly black families is significantly below the lowest budget level that the government has defined as providing a minimum standard of living. In 1976, for example, the Bureau of Labor Statistics' lower budget standard for a retired couple was $4,695. Only 17 percent of elderly white couples had incomes below that level, compared to 37 percent of elderly black couples. Thus, poverty still characterizes elderly blacks disproportionately more than elderly whites. But what have been the recent poverty trends among elderly blacks and whites?12

Poverty

The extent of poverty dropped sharply during the 1970's among elderly blacks as well as whites. While the proportion of elderly whites who were poor fell from 23 to 12 percent between 1969 and 1977, the proportion of poor elderly blacks similarly fell from 50 percent to 36 percent. However, this sharp drop in poverty among the elderly did not occur among the rest of the black and white populations. In fact, the proportion of poor persons among all blacks remained essentially unchanged (from 32 to 31 percent) between 1969 and 1976, while the proportion of poor persons among all whites remained at about 9 percent over that seven-year interval. 13

This decline in poverty occurred among elderly blacks living in central cities as well as those living in rural areas. Between 1969 and 1976, the rate of poverty among elderly blacks living in central cities decreased from 39 to 29 percent, while the poverty rate for elderly blacks living in nonmetropolitan areas fell sharply from 66 to 45 percent. Similar declines in poverty rates occurred among elderly whites living in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas.

But, once again, no such decline in poverty occurred among the rest of the blacks living in central cities. In fact, the proportion of all blacks living in central cities who were poor rose from 25 to 31 percent between 1969 and 1976. However, there was a significant decline in poverty among all blacks living in nonmetropoli

tan or rural areas (from 52 to 38 percent) over that period.

Consequently, it appears that the income supports provided to elderly blacks during the 1970's have been much more effective in improving their economic condition than have been the income supports to the rest of the black population. But what are the different sources of income for elderly blacks?14

Sources of Income

The overwhelming majority of elderly black families, whether headed by men or women, receive social security income. In 1976, 91 percent of the black families headed by elderly men and 85 percent of the black families headed by elderly women had income from social security benefits. The proportion of elderly white families receiving social security was somewhat higher among men (92 percent) and women (93 percent).

Earnings were the second most frequent source of income among elderly black families. While 57 percent of the black families headed by elderly women had income from earnings, 59 percent of the black families headed by elderly men had earnings income. About half (46 percent) of white families headed by elderly men had earnings income, compared to 60 percent of the white families headed by elderly women.

Female-headed black families were much more likely than male-headed black families to receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI)the replacement for the former welfare program

for the aged, Old Age Assistance. While only one-fifth of the black families headed by elderly men had income from SSI, twice as many (44 percent) black families headed by elderly women were SSI recipients. The proportions of elderly white families receiving SSI were much smaller among those headed by men (5 percent) and women (14 percent). Since elderly blacks were much more likely than elderly whites to have worked in occupations that were not covered by social security, they obviously have a greater need to supplement their minimal social security benefits with earnings or SSI.

On the other hand, significantly higher proportions of elderly white families than elderly black families received income from dividends, interest, or private pensions. For example, while only one-sixth of all elderly black families received income from dividends, interest, or rent in 1976, over two-thirds of the elderly white families had income from these sources. Similarly, while the proportions of elderly black families receiving income from private or government employee pensions were 21 percent among those headed by men and 16 percent among those headed by women, the proportions of elderly white families receiving income from such pensions were 43 percent among those headed by men and 32 percent among those headed by

women.

Although almost all elderly blacks living alone received social security income, they were more likely than elderly whites to depend on SSI as their second major source of income. About 87

percent of the elderly black women living alone received social security, 39 percent received SSI payments, and 15 percent had earnings income. Among elderly black men living alone, the proportions receiving social security, SSI, and earnings were 87 percent, 28 percent, and 27 percent, respectively.

However, among elderly whites living alone, dividends and pensions were the second and third major sources of income, while very few depended on SSI. The proportions of elderly white males living alone who received income from social security, dividends, private pensions, earnings, and SSI were 90 percent, 52 percent, 33 percent, 21 percent, and 12 percent, respectively. Among elderly white women living alone, the comparable proportions receiving such income were 91 percent, 60 percent, 25 percent, 16 percent, and 11 percent.

In short, the three major sources of income for elderly blacks, whether living alone or in families, are social security, earnings, and SSI. But the three major sources of income for elderly whites living in families are social security, dividends, and earnings, while the top three sources of income for elderly whites living alone are social security, dividends, and pensions.

Employment Status

Since earnings are the second major source of income for most elderly blacks, it is important to assess the nature and extent of their participation in the labor force.

During 1977, one-fifth (19.3 percent) of elderly

black men and one-tenth (9.9 percent) of elderly black women were in the labor force. This was a decline from a labor force participation rate of 27.4 percent among elderly black men and 12.2 percent among elderly black women in 1970.

Elderly whites have similar levels of labor force participation as blacks. Between 1970 and 1977, while the labor force participation rates among elderly white men declined from 26.7 to 20.2 percent, the participation rates of elderly white women fell from 9.5 to 8.0 percent. 15

Although elderly whites and blacks are about as likely to enter the labor force seeking work, their chances of obtaining employment vary significantly. While elderly black men have much higher unemployment rates than elderly white men, elderly black women have much lower jobless rates than elderly white women.

Elderly white men had an unemployment rate of 4.9 percent in 1977, but the jobless rate for elderly black men was 8.3 percent. While the jobless rate for elderly white women was also 4.9 percent in 1977, the unemployment rate for elderly black women was only 3.6 percent. Of course, the jobless rates among women in their pre-retirement years are higher for blacks than whites. Although these patterns of unemployment between elderly blacks and whites have held throughout the 1970's, their jobless rates were only about half as high at the beginning of this decade prior to the two recessions.16

Standard of Living

It should not be inferred that the significant improvement in the economic status of elderly blacks since 1970 means that their current income is adequate for such basic necessities as food, shelter, and clothing. On the contrary, several indepth studies have shown that the record-level inflation in this nation has disproportionately affected the elderly, especially minorities, to a much greater extent than the rest of the population because of their more relatively fixed incomes. The black elderly, in particular, pay a disproportionate share of their income for rent, utilities, and spiraling food prices.17

Moreover, contrary to popular belief, most elderly blacks do not receive some of the benefits of government programs that are supposed to be targeted to economically disadvantaged groups.

For example, three-fourths of poor elderly blacks living alone do not live in either subsidized or public housing. During the peak of the 1975 recession, only one-fifth of all elderly black couples and one-fourth of all elderly blacks living alone purchased food stamps, compared to 3 percent of all elderly white couples and 6 percent of all elderly whites living alone. 18 The majority of elderly blacks do not benefit from Medicare coverage because they cannot afford the payments, 19 and over half of all poor elderly blacks, whether living alone or in families, do not receive any Supplemental Security Income.20 It should, therefore, be no surprise that over onethird of all elderly black couples have incomes below the government's lower budget level for maintaining a minimum standard of living. Consequently, the issue of income inadequacy continues to be the major area of concern among elderly blacks and whites.

Conclusions

The social and economic status of elderly blacks today is significantly better than it was a decade ago. Between 1970 and 1975, the life expectancy of blacks increased by almost three years and the gap with whites narrowed by at least one year. Thus, there has been a sharp decline in the proportion of elderly blacks who are widowed.

Elderly blacks continue to provide vital informal foster care, adoption, and day care services to black children through the extended family network. However, there is some evidence that it has become increasingly difficult for elderly blacks to assume such responsibilities because of spiraling inflation and insensitive social policies. For example, despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of black working

women depend on elderly relatives for day care services, current income tax regulations continue to exclude day care credits and deductions for sizable numbers of children who are cared for by their grandparents. No such exclusions prevail for children being cared for by non-relatives. Such policies serve to weaken and not strengthen the strong kinship bonds in many families-both black and white.21

Finally, although the economic gap between most elderly blacks and whites has narrowed since 1970, the incomes of elderly blacks are only two-thirds of the incomes of their white counterparts. Over one-third of all elderly black couples have incomes below the government's lower budget living standard. And because of the unrelenting, record-level inflation, elderly blacks pay disproportionate shares of their income for food, shelter, and other basic necessities. Consequently, although elderly blacks have made significant strides, they still have a long way to go in achieving an equitable and adequate quality of life.

1 Robert B. Hill, "A Profile of Black Aged," in Minority Aged in America, Institute of Gerontology, The University of Michigan-Wayne State University, Ann Arbor, 1972, pp. 35-50.

2 National Urban League, Double Jeopardy, New York, 1964; Inabel Lindsay, Multiple Hazards of Age and Race: The Situation of Aged Blacks in the U.S.,a report for the U.S. Senate Special Committee on Aging, Nov. 12, 1971. 3 The recent population figures were derived from the U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Estimates of the Population of the U.S. by Age, Sex and Race: 1970 to 1977," Series P.-25, No. 721, 1978.

4 The recent data on the urbanization of the black elderly were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Characteristics of the Population Below the Poverty Level: 1976," Series P-60, No. 115, 1978.

5 The educational attainment data were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Ibid. 6 The marital status data were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Marital Status and Living Arrangements, March 1977," Series P-20, No. 323, 1978.

7 The life expectancy data were derived from U.S. Public Health Service, National Center for Health Statistics, Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 26, No. 12, Supplement (2), "Final Mortality Statistics, 1976," 1978. 8 The family composition data were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Household and Family Characteristics, March 1976," Series P-20, No. 311, 1977.

For an indepth analysis of the role of the child-rearing functions performed by elderly blacks in the extended families, see Robert B. Hill, Informal Adoption Among Black Families, Washington, D.C. Also see an excellent analysis of black extended families in Carol Stack, All Our Kin: Strategies for Survival in A Black Community, New York: Harper and Row, 1974.

10 The housing data were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Characteristics of the Population Below the Poverty Level: 1976," Series P60, No. 115, Table 24.

The income data were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Money Income in 1976 of Familes and Persons in the U.S.," Series P-20, No. 114, 1978.

12 A more detailed description of the Bureau of Labor Statistics' three budget levels for retired couples can be found in U.S. Labor Department, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Three Budgets for a Retired Couple, Autumn 1976, USDL 77-690.

13 The poverty data were derived from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Series P-60, No. 115, op. cit., and No. 116, "Money Income and Poverty Status of Families and Persons in the U.S.: 1977 (Advance Report)," 1978.

14 See Robert B. Hill, "The Myth of Income Cushions During the 1974-75 Depression," Urban League Review, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Winter 1976), p. 53.

15 The labor force data were derived from U.S. Department of Labor Employment and Training Report of the President, 1977 and Employment and Earnings, January 1978.

16 See also National Urban League Research Department, NUL Quarterly Economic Report on the Black Worker, Washington, D.C., 1978.

17 See Robert B. Hill, Inflation and the Black Consumer, Washington, D.C., NUL Research Department, 1974; and David Caplovitz, Making Ends Meet: How Families Cope With Inflation and Recession, New York: Institute for Research on Human Affairs, The Graduate School and University Center, City University of New York, January

1978.

18 See U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, "Characteristics of Households Purchasing Food Stamps," Series P-23, No. 61, 1976.

19 According to the HEW Medicare Survey Report for 1972, over half (53 percent) of the nonwhites enrolled in Supplementary Medical Insurance (SMI) either received no services or were not able to meet the deductible. See Social Security Administration, Office of Research and Statistics, Health Insurance Statistics, "Current Medicare Report: Supplementary Medical Insurance-Utilization and Changes, 1972," Publication No. (SSA) 75-11702, September 30, 1975.

20 See U.S. Bureau of the Census, Series P-60, No. 115, op. cit.

21 See testimony by Robert B. Hill on "Tax Credits for Child Care Services by Relatives," before the U.S. Senate Finance Committee, June 19, 1978.