income for purchasing a house are adversely affected if one is black.

However, the problems encountered by blacks are exacerbated if one is also aged. While some authors have stated that the black aged suffer from multiple jeopardy, I would assert that they are rather victimized by only two the age and the race variable. The remainder of the problems which this cohort experiences are a consequence of the latter, i.e., they are often poor, uneducated, unhealthy, or depressed because they grew up black in America, not because they are now old in America. However, because the American reference norm is "young" in terms of age, and white in terms of race, black elderly do have their burdens compounded in the pursuit of such things as employment, housing, community services, and medical services.

Policy Research Barrier

It is not easy to see how policy research constitutes a barrier to adequate housing. However, when one recognizes the way in which housing legislation is drafted and passed into

law, it becomes clear that policy research can be a formidable force. Most legislators rely on research performed by scholars and experts from the ranks of professional consultancy firms. Most of these are white males, who often are not always cognizant or appreciative of the problems faced by blacks.

Another major problem revolves around the type of issues selected to be funded for investigation by the sponsoring agency relative to studies on the aged and housing. First, the studies. usually, as stated earlier, are performed by Anglo male scholars and they are often performed on aggregated data-black elderly not discretely distinguished from the white cohort. Soldo (1978) addresses the point somewhat. She states that it is not an easy task to locate data with sufficient age and race detail when one confines the search to published volumes. In using data that preceded the 1970 Census, these restrictions often forced Soldo and DeVita to use data for their investigation from the "non-white" group, rather than data on blacks specifically. Such practices, when used.

in policy research, must be handled with extreme care, for problems of over- and under-generalization can occur. Hence, the analysis and subsequent policy recommendations in the widely circulated final reports to funding agencies could be decidedly disadvantageous to elderly blacks.

Studies of differences between racial groups often lack sufficient controls and, thus, may propogate myths of racial differences when similarities actually exist. Bell, et al, (1975) stated that one way such methodological problems can be solved is to embark on studies in which race is but one of the many stratification variables. Occupation, location, age, education, and other independent, but perhaps race-correlated, variables should be included in the analysis. Such a research consideration is important because the development of effective service delivery strategies for the black elderly requires determining racial differences in the need for services.

Moreover, it is important to understand how concepts such as "relative deprivation" can be misunderstood and misinterpreted and, consequently, work to the detriment of the black elderly. Some studies indicate, for example, that the black aged may be relatively better off in old age because of the availability of income guaranteed by social security and by the increased access to medical care (Daum and Cantor, 1974).

Orshansky (1964) found that blacks experienced an improvement in income after they turned 65 when income is no longer mainly earned income, but includes increased amounts from social security and public assistance. Elderly blacks, according to Hirsch (1974), score higher on a happiness and morale scale than the white cohort group. However, findings of this nature can be misleading. The policy implication appears to be that morale among elderly blacks can be improved with a relatively small expenditure of public monies. Policy research of this nature will perpetuate policies which presume that the morale of elderly blacks can be made equivalent to whites in housing and other areas at a lower social cost. Some re

searchers, usually the black ones, tend to focus on the lower status of the black elderly relative to the Anglo elderly a fact which argues for calling for additional services.

At the same time, a good deal of research stresses the greater independence and resilience of black elderlywhich suggests that there is a lesser need for social and governmental intervention. These factors tend to influence the selection of data bases which eventually end up under the scrutiny of decision-makers and thus influence subsequent policy, guidelines, regulations, and enforcement practices regarding housing and the black elderly which present a barrier to adequate housing.

Generally, it is preceived that the Department of Housing and Urban Development lacks a sufficient data. base on the black elderly with which to formulate its policies on housing for this group. Without such vital data, policies affecting the category of "Special Users," a research emphasis of HUD which includes housing problems for the elderly, are at best inferred to be valid and effective. However, when no apparent interest is expressed in sponsoring research in this area, it must be assumed that this is a low priority area within HUD. Therefore, policies will most likely be made from aggregated data and the result will continue to be inadequate housing for elderly blacks. Federal Housing Policies and Practices

Related to the problem of policy research is the barrier of housing policy and practices. Housing legislation, policy, guidelines, and funding requirements are integral to housing policy research. However, the emphases here are on the actual formulation and carrying out of housing policy and practices and how these ultimately work to preclude adequate housing for the black elderly.

Baer (1976) states that for some 25 years there has been a national concern shown for the housing problems of the elderly. The Housing Act of 1949, which declared that there "should be a decent house and suitable living envi

ronment for every American," was one of the first major pieces of housing legislation. During this time, however, Brown vs Topeka (the 1964 Supreme Court Decision outlawing segregation) had not been decided and hence this housing legislation had little impact on the black elderly since segregation was still legal in this country.

Other major developments relative to housing programs for the elderly

were:

1950, first National Conference on Aging urged the commencement of housing programs specifically for the aged.

1956, legislation was enacted by Congress to specifically address the needs of the aged.

• 1958, other special provisions were added by Congress for the elderly.

1961, the White House Conference on Aging felt compelled to reemphasize the older population's needs for elderly oriented housing programs that would "enrich their way of life and offer a future to the many who had none."

The Housing Act of 1964 indicated a need for additional housing programs for the elderly.

• The Older Americans Act of 1965 stressed the entitlement of older Americans to "suitable housing, independently selected, designed and located with reference to special needs and available at costs which older people can afford."

The Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965 enacted the now well-known rent supplement and rehabilitation grant program, both of which serve the elderly.

• 1968, more programs were enacted to serve the elderly, among them the Section 235 and 236 interest subsidy programs.

• 1970, the President's Task Force on the Aging recommended special attention to the particular housing needs of older Ameri

cans.

Judging from the litany of legislative activity, conferences, and orders, one

can see that there is sufficient legislation to deal with the housing problems of older Americans. To be sure, the conferences have produced reams of rhetoric on the needs of the elderly relative to housing. It would, then, appear that either the housing problems of the elderly are being met or will be in the near future. However, the housing needs of the elderly are a long way from being met.

Specifically, the severe housing problems of the black aged are neither empirically documented nor being met by the traditional programs and practices. In fact, little attention was paid to the housing problems of the black aged until the decade of the 70's. In 1970 the National Caucus on the Black Aged (NCBA) was founded, and helped to redirect the focus of the Federal government to the service needs of elderly blacks regarding housing and other matters by participating in the 1971 White House Conference on the Aging. Prior to this Conference, few studies on the special needs of the aged and aging blacks existed.

Home Ownership for the Black
Elderly

The Federal government has the following programs for assisting the general population, but they are not programs designed to assist the elderly per se in purchasing homes. In a word, the programs allow the aged to benefit in an ancillary fashion, i.e., ride in on the coat tails of others whom the programs were realistically designed to serve. The Federal Housing Administration has provisions which assist the elderly and are available to black elderly if they are part of that segment of the population the programs were actually designed to serve. The types of assistance which this form of Federal program can administer are diverse. This may be discerned by studying the following sections:

Section 203 (s): Insures loans; Section 221: Assists low and moderate income persons displaced from existing residence by governmental action. or natural disaster. (This program has been discontinued); Section 235 (i): Subsidizes a major portion of home

owners interest rates; Section 115 and 211: Rehabilitation grants and loans for persons who are homeowners, (HUD 1972).

Secondly, the Veterans Administration assists a small segment of the elderly population relative to providing assistance in homeownership. The prerequisite for participation, of course, is that one has to be a veteran.

These programs assist the elderly who purchased their home before they became old. Thus, they are of little value to elderly blacks who were young during the legal segregation era of America, for it is known that most elderly black homeowners purchased their homes via conventional loans and or bond for deed arrangements when they were in the labor market. Moreover, these programs require that a person be in the moderate income level. It is necessary, therefore, for a black older person to demonstrate that his current income and expected future income appears sufficient to cover all necessary housing expenses and other obligations. Most elderly blacks cannot qualify for mortgages under such criteria.

Housing Programs for the Elderly
Renter

Federal housing programs for the elderly renter are of several types. This writer will describe those most often available to the black elderly.

Nevertheless, it is questionable as to whether these programs successfully meet the needs of elderly blacks. The principal Federal programs are as follows:

• The HUD Direct-Assistance Programs: funnel assistance to the builder or landlord, not directly to the household.

• Public Housing: housing which is publicly owned and usually administered by public housing authorities.

Section 236 Housing: provides interest subsidy to the owner to enable eligible families to live in housing that would otherwise consume more than 25 percent of their income.

• Rent Supplement Program: a payment by the Federal govern

ment to make up the difference between 25 percent of their income, and the cost of the housing.

Rental Projects:

Section 207: multi-family rental housing which consisted of the bulk of the multi-family housing insured by FHA. Section 231: senior citizen housing, a special mortgage insurance program for the elderly and the handicapped. It was abandoned in 1970 because of the relatively high failure

rate.

Section 202: provides loans for senior citizen housing made directly by the Federal government (rather than insuring privately made loans as was done for Section 231.) Nursing Care Section 232: provides mortgage insurance for the construction or rehabilitation of facilities for 20 or more patients requiring skilled nursing care and related medical facilities. Federal Income Tax: indirectly, the income tax provides assistance to the elderly black renter by allowing a standard deduction in lieu of itemizing deductions. The government implicitly allows a portion of that deduction to go. toward housing expenses. Another means is to allow for the accelerated depreciation of apartments by owners. It is intended that this would be passed on to elderly black renters. (HUD 1972).

Generally, the black elderly benefit from these programs, but they benefit most from the public housing program. The specific annual subsidy provided to the elderly is unknown, but $1,100 would not be an unreasonable estimate, according to HUD (1972). The data suggest that the rent supplement program is a very popular one, second only to the public housing program. Twenty-five percent of all the units assisted went to the elderlya substantially higher proportion than any other Federal housing program except for the public housing program.

Rental projects present a problem when one attempts to evaluate their impact on elderly blacks, for only where the program is specifically designed for the elderly is the number of older households known. It is posited by this writer that there cannot be substantive and effective policies formulated and implemented if the data base relative to the black elderly is unavailable. Hence, one suggestion is that HUD begin to contract out, preferably to minority owned SBA 8 (a) research firms, the task of aggregating this data on a national basis. In cases where the only eligibility criterion is income, households of all ages are found. HUD does not appear to keep (or at least publish) information on household characteristics for many rental programs. Hence, all that is known for sure is the number of units produced under each program.

The 202 programs have been rather unsuccessful in meeting the needs of elderly blacks. Data accumulated by this writer point to discrimination in this program, or, at least, insensitivity toward the black aged. There is a positive correlation between sponsors being black and the availability of units for the black elderly. Here HUD needs to provide resources for determining the nature of the problem; designing strategies which will encourage participation by minority sponsors; and implementing prototype models which will facilitate the involvement of more minority sponsors and ultimately meet the needs of both potential black non-profit sponsors and the elderly blacks whom the housing would serve.

Nursing care facilities are not particularly encouraging relative to their abilities to meet the needs of elderly blacks. HUD reports that 56.000 beds were provided by 1972, with about a 13 percent "vacancy" rate due perhaps to the high cost of the beds. The median charge per bed was $527 per month in 1971. The black elderly having appreciably less income than their white cohort, do not benefit significantly from this form of housing. The cost is simply prohibitive and there is the further problem of not

having minority sponsors for this type of facility.

The income tax rebate may assist some black elderly, but this is speculation at this point. It is intended that the tax saving to the landlord be passed on to black elderly renters. Ironically, as demonstrated in California relative to the tax saving to landlords under "Proposition 13," the landlords are not willing to pass on the savings to the renters. Hence, the black elderly end up the losers.

One can conclude that there are advantages for those elderly who own their own homes as opposed to renting. Seemingly, the tax breaks and other abatement programs which accrue to the homeowner are means for rewarding persons who have been in an economically advantaged group and the reverse appears to be the message to those who have been the disadvantaged group in America. Community Services and the Black Elderly

Few black elderly avail themselves of traditional social services, and those who do are not necessarily the most needy. Where there are communitybased action programs, the more physically able, aggressive, and educated black elderly participate. Thus, there is a need to study the nonusers, and to initiate more community outreach programs. This approach may serve to overcome the reluctance of many black aged to come to sometimes hostile and inept social service agencies. This is particularly true of elderly blacks living in rural areas and smaller cities and towns where they do not enjoy the presence of black advocate organizations which will push to insure that they obtain needed services and assistance. They are further hampered in their efforts to seek help by long distances and a lack of public transportation.

Such outreach programs should offer preventive intervention in contrast to the traditional service programs which are usually focused on ameliorating already existing problems. There are at present few programs for the black elderly which seek out those with medical and psycho

social needs before their conditions deteriorate and institutionalization is required.

Central-city neighborhoods often constitute the residential context of older black people. Such neighborhoods often offer few facilities and suffer from a steady decay of their social fabric. This is particularly true for black senior citizens who live in public housing projects. The one major indicator of social decay is the problem of crime which frequently affects elderly blacks.

Two approaches may be taken to combat crime against older black people. One is to provide services which, in and of themselves, combat crime. For example, instruction. should be given in ways to secure one's household and person, when to go out, how to cash checks, or how to use a checking account. The black elderly could benefit immensely from the latter two points. They are, indisputably, vulnerable prey for the street criminals since it is generally known when they receive their checks.

Moreover, physical settings with architectural features that reduce the potential for crime and encourage better police protection may help the black elderly to avoid victimization. In the high crime areas of the central cities, housing is often vacant because the black elderly cannot go out alone. Services could be made available to this group by providing something as simple as escort services to shopping centers and banks, and by bringing mobile services to the homes of the elderly blacks where appropriate. Crime has a negative impact on both the provider and the recipient of services, creating staff problems in highcrime areas.

Cultural, Economic, Social, and
Psychological Barriers

Literally all black elderly grew up in America at a time when they were not accepted by the larger white society and its institutions. Hence, the culture which they knew in America was an indifferent, if not, hostile one. They often expended an immeasurable amount of energy in simply devising means of existing from one day to the

other. In many of these survival techniques, behaviors and attitudes were developed which will never be relinquished by these older blacks and which work to their detriment when they attempt to procure what is due. them from institutions. They simply do not believe that whites will do well by them and have, consequently, formed standard reactions to cope with the problems they encounter.

Of extreme cultural significance is the issue of communication and language. Most elderly blacks experience difficulty in communicating, which results from a language barrier which is culturally based. There is still a tendency for many elderly blacks to speak in the black vernacular. Often, service agencies staff complain that they do not understand what the older black person is attempting to communicate and his needs are not fulfilled. However, this could be rectified by having available black professionals to meet the needs of the clients. Associated with the language barrier is reading ability. The education level of most elderly blacks is low and there are instances in which information is made available but which they cannot decipher.

The overall pattern of the black aged is one which has stressed the desired strategy of not revealing information about themselves. While this may be useful in certain situations it can be counterproductive when working with agencies. Also, black elderly are, in the main, very proud and will not accept what appears to be charity. Hence, they tend, in many instances, to show a pride which boarders on arrogance. It can be misinterpreted, of course. A resultant effect of this pride has been manifested in the wholesale refusal of some elderly to live in high-rise apartment public housing projects, which they consider dehumanizing.

Relative to the income of older whites, the black aged have tended to have lower incomes. In 1976, the median income of black males 65 years of age and over was 59.5 percent of the income of the white males in that age group ($3,304 vs $5,549); the median income of black females 65 years of age and over was 75.1 percent of the

median income of their white counterparts ($2,192 vs 2,919). As can be expected, and as reflected in the total elderly population, blacks still active in the labor force fare better than those outside of it; and, on a per capita basis, black aged who are married tend to have higher money income than those widowed, divorced or separated.

Proportionatley, more elderly black females than males lived in poverty in 1976-39.6 percent compared with 28.0 percent.

In terms of assessing the economic status of black aged, other nonmonetary assets must be taken into consideration.

The purchase of a house is probably the largest expenditure a family ever makes; and, for the elderly, is a source of accumulated equity. Black aged are not only less likely to own their own home than whites, but if they do, the value of the home tends to be lower. Older blacks also are less likely than are older whites to have accumulated other assets, such as savings, life insurance, stocks, or bonds.

The sizable proportion of blacks in the lower-income categories are almost totally dependent upon social security, SSI, or other small pensions.

Elderly blacks have far less education than their white counterparts. There are proportionatley about three times as many whites aged 65 and older with a high school education as there are blacks. About 85 percent of the black males and females aged 65 or older have less than a high school education. Many of the same characteristics are to be found among blacks approaching the age of 65. For example: some two out of every three blacks aged 45 to 54 never completed high school, while only one of every three whites in this same category failed to complete high school. For the 55 to 64 age group, over two-thirds of black men and women never completed high school.

This writer asserts that educational deprivation lies at the root of the inability of the black elderly to secure adequate housing. In this technological society, one's occupation and hence income are significantly determined by the type of education one has. Given,

however, the separate and unequal stations which were the guiding doctrine when the current generation of black elderly was growing up, few had an opportunity to obtain a quality education.

Conclusion

The overall housing situation for the elderly is such that it needs concerted programmatic efforts to improve it. At this juncture, admittedly, the government has only recently been involved in the housing business for all persons, let alone for the elderly.

However, there is little evidence to suggest that a sustained effort is afoot to meet the needs of the elderly. As the population is aging as a whole, it would appear that more legislation and social policy will have to be focused on this demographic reality. Nevertheless, even if there were more emphasis on housing and other policy in the direction of the aging, the salient effects of prejudice would argue for the government to embark upon some version of "affirmative action" in housing for the black elderly and other minority groups which would give them some preferential consideration.

However, before this step is taken, it seems feasible, and indeed logical, for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to ascertain more conclusively the magnitude of the problem. A necessary step would be a national investigation to determine those conditions necessary to ensure adequate housing for the black elderly and other minorities. Specifically, what are those variables that inhibit or encourage the acquisition of adequate housing by elderly blacks? Then, if the Federal government is serious, and this writer is suggesting that it is, prototype models can be developed and implemented to achieve the goal of adequate housing for elderly blacks and to eradicate traditional barriers. Moreover, the pervasiveness of racism and its negative effects will, by necessity, be lessened.

REFERENCES

Baer, W.C., "Federal Housing Programs for the Elderly," in Community Planning for an Aging Society, Lawton P. and Byerts, T. (Eds.),

Dowens, Hutchison, and Ross: Stroudsburg, Pa., 1976.

Bell, D. P. and Zelman, G., Delivering Services to Elderly Members of Minority Groups: A Critical Review of the Literature, Rand Corp., via grant from the Office of Human Development Services, Department of HEW, Grant no. 90A-31 8/01, 1975.

Blau, Z. S., Old Age in a Changing Society, New Viewpoints, New York: Franklin Watts Press, 1973

Cantor, M. and Daum, M., "Extent and Correlates of Mental Health Vulnerability Among the Inner City Elderly Population,” paper presented at the Gerontological Society Meeting, Portland, Oregon, 1974.

Cantor, M. H. and Mayer, M., Health Crisis of Older American New Yorkers, New York City Office of the Aging, 1972.

Clark, M. and Anderson, B. G., Culture and Aging, Springfield, Ill., Charles C. Thomas, 1967.

Hirsch, C., "Health of Inner City Black and White Elderly," paper presented at the Gerontological Society Meeting, Portland, Oregon, 1974.

Kent, D. and Hirsch, C., Needs and Use of Services Among Negro and White Aged, Vols. 1 and 11, University Park, Pa., Pennsylvania State University, 1971 and October 1972. Orshansky, M., "The Aged Negro and His Income," Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 27, 1964, pp 3-13.

Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1968.

Soldo, B. J. and DeVita, C., "Profiles of Black Aged." paper prepared for the conference on "Blacks and Retirement: An Untapped National Resource," Council on Minority Planning and Strategy, Washington, D.C., February 2-5, 1978.

Townsand, P., The Family Life of Old People, London: Routledge and Kengan Paul, Ltd., 1957.

U. S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1972 HUD Statistical Yearbook, Tables 208, 209, 227, 228, 233.

* Dr. Johnson currently serves as Senior Associate, the Center for Systems and Program Development, Inc., and professor of Education and Human Ecology at the University of the District of Columbia, in Washington, D. C. Dr. Johnson has edited and authored several books in the areas of career education, higher education, and the black family and has served as consultant to several Federal agencies, including the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. He received his Ph.D. from Saint Louis University.