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conspiracy of 1876 to seize the Presi- once discharged from the service of the United dency. From it and through it the con- States; and he shall also be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall spiracy was operated throughout the be fined in a sum not exceeding $500. (Supplement States. Every agency, corrupt, hypo-to the Revised Statutes of the United States, critical, or other, was pressed into its section 6, page 245.) service: investigations at an immense cost to the nation, by unscrupulous smelling committees, into lying general charges of fraud against the Republican administration, all of which wholly failed to develop a single fact in proof of these charges, but did succeed in unearthing some very unsavory proofs of Democratic corruption in control of the House-all in pursuance of a system of espionage, informers, and reckless perjury as corrupt as any which marked the declining days of ancient Rome; with bogus reductions of the national expenditures for the double purpose of making a false showing of pretended Democratic retrenchment before the country and of crippling the labors or efficiency of the government, and kindred legislation for the purpose of destroying or paralyzing the powers of the Republican majority of the nation.

The Law Respecting Political Assessments part of the fraudulent machinery of the Democratic Conspiracy of 1876-It prohibits under prescribed penalties certain Government employees from giving any money or valuable thing to any other Government employee of a stated rank for partisan purposes—Passed, not to punish Arbi

trary political Assessments, for none were apprehended, but to prohibit Voluntary Contributions to and an ef.

fective organization of the Republicans—Arbitrary and Compulsory political assessments had their origin with the Democracy-Were enforced by the Democracy with a corrupt and tyrannical hand up to the latest hour of its long Misrule-When Law of 1876 was passed the Democratic National and other Committees were assessing Democratic Senators and Members, the authors of the Law, for partisan pur" poses - At New York, wherever the Democrats had control of either State or Municipal Government, they were assessing a pro rata of Salaries ten times greater than 2 per cent. The Law simply the fraudulent Agent of a corrupt Conspiracy.

As a part of the conspiracy they enacted the law of 1876 respecting political assessments. That law is as follows:

SEC. 6. All executive officers or employés of the United States not appointed by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from any other officer or employé of the Government any money or property or other thing of value for political purposes; and any such officer or employé who shall offend against the provisions of this section shall be at

In that the grand purpose of the Confederate Brigadiers was to defeat if possible the Republican majority in the approaching Presidential campaign by depriving them of the sinews of war, and consequently of the means of an effective organization-by depriving their representative committees, or organs, of the means of communicating with the voters in the country, and discussing before them the issues of the campaign; that too, while actually prostituting the national Treasury as a Democratic campaign fund through the printing of campaign documents as reports of the House and Senate, and so They hoped that this law could be on made to cover and defeat all voluntary contributions of money to representative Republican bodies, like the RepubThey lican Congressional Committee. knew that there would be no arbitrary or compulsory assesssments on anyone, no assessments in fact of any kind, as there had never been, by any Republican body in the government or elsewhere; but by clamor and the passage of this law they hoped to create the lying impression in the country that there had been and would be again, and that the organizations of the Republican party were supported by such assessments. That they did in the teeth of their own party history, in the teeth of the notorious fact that arbitrary and compulsory assessments of government officials for partisan purposes had their origin with the Democratic party; that they were unknown in our party history prior to the beginning of that party; that they had been enforced by the Democracy with a tyrannical hand from its origin throughout its long career of maladministration and fraud up to the latest hour of their misrule; that at the moment of the passage of this act, the Democratic National and Congressional Committees were actually assessing Democratic Senators and members for partisan purposes, and that at New York City, and elsewhere, wherever the Democracy were in control of either State or municipal government, its committees were arbitrarily assessing and forcing the payment of ten times two per cent. of the salaries of officials under their control. All that is shown, supported by indisputable proofs, in the following pages of this chapter. Hence, this Democratic law respecting political assessments, in its origin and essence, as in its purpose, is a miserable Democratic fraud; a fraudulent agent of the violent and corrupt conspiracy in 1876 by which the Copperhead and Confed

erate minority worked to wrest the control of the National Government from the hands of the Republican or loyal majority.

PART II.

The Contribution Circular of the Republican Congressional Committee

HEADQUARTERS OF THE REPUBLICAN

CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, 1882. 520 THIRTEENTH STREET, NORTHWEST, Washington, D. C., May 15, 1882, SIR: This committee is organized for the protection of the interests of the Republican party in each of the Congressional districts of the Union. In order that it may prepare, print, and circulate suitable documents illustrating the issues which distinguish the Republican party from any other, and may meet all proper expenses incident to the campaign, the committee feels authorized to apply to all citizens whose prin

ciples or interests are involved in the struggle.

Under the circumstances in which the country finds itself placed, the committee believes that you will esteem it both a privilege and a pleasSenator Pendleton's Reso-ure to make to its fund a contribution which, it Intion and Speech, in the United States Senate, on Political Assessments.

is hoped, may not be less than $. The com

The Republican Congressional Committee, the organ of the Republican Party instructs its Executive Officers, Chair? man Hubbell and Secretary Hender. son, to address the usual circular to the Employees of the Executive Government, etc., requesting contributions for Campaign purposes.

mittee is authorized to state that such volunservice of the United States will not be objected

tary contribution from persons employed in the

to in any official quarter.

The labors of the committee will affect the result of the Presidential election in 1884, as well

as the Congressional struggle; and it may there-
fore reasonably hope to have the sympathy and
assistance of all who look with dread upon the
possibility of the restoration of the Democratic
party to the control of the Government
Please make prompt and favorable response
to this letter by bank check or draft, or ostal
money order, payable to the order of JAY A.
HUBBELL, acting treasurer, post office lock-box
589, Washington, D. C.

By order of the committee,

D. B. HENDERSON,
Secretary.

At the beginning of the present campaign, the Congressional Republican Committee, the organ of the Republi- The Circular a Copy of that of 1880, ap

can party of the nation, located at Washington, D. C., instructed its executive officers, its Chairman, (Judge Jay A. Hubbell,) and its Secretary, (Col. D. B. Henderson,) to address a copy of the usual contribution circular to every employee of the Executive Government.

proved by Civil Service Reform President Hayes-It Levies no AssessmentIt Pretends to no Power of Coercion-IS simply a Request for Contributions in Support of the Republican Party in its Absolutely Necessary Expenses in the Campaign-A few Circulars Accidentally Sent to Female Officials Corrected as Soon as Discovered-Senator Pendleton's Resolution and Speech in Senate Arraigning the Committee and Party for Violating the Law respecting Political Assessments.

The Circular The Committee organ-. ized for the Protection of the Interests of the Republican Party in the Congressional Districts of the UnionIn order to Meet all Proper Expenses for Preparing, Printing, and Circulating Suitable Documents and other Expenses incident to the Campaign, the Committee feels Authorized to Apply | to all Citizens whose Interests or Principles are Involved in the Struggle-It therefore Requests Contributions from the Persons addressed, for these Campaign Purposes, and Warns Them that the Labors of the Committee will affect the Result of the Presidential Election, as well as the Present Congressional Struggle-No Coer-paign, leaving the officials addressed

cion even Hinted at or Intended.

Here is the circular:

(Jay A. Hubbell, chairman; D. B. Henderson, secretary; Executive Committee-Hon. W. B. Allison, Hon. Eugene Hale, Hon. Nelson W. Aldrich, Hon. Frank Hiscock, Hon. George M. Robeson, Hon. William McKinley, jr., Hon. George R. Davis, Hon. Horatio G. Fisher, Hon. Horace F. Page, Hon. W. H. Calkins, Hon. Thomas Ryan, Hon. Wm. D. Washburn, Hon. L. C. Houk, Hon. R. T. Van Horn, Hon. Orlando Hubbs.]

It

This circular, in every particular but its date, is a copy of the Committee's circular of 1880, which was submitted to and received the approval of the then "Civil Service Reform" President Hayes. levies no assessment. It pretends to no power of coercion, but simply requests Contributions from Republican officials in support of the Republican party in the present canvass to meet the absolutely necessary expenses of the cam

It

perfectly free to contribute or not. All
that is perfectly understood. But the
clerks of the Committee, in addressing
these circulars, sent a few of them to fe-
male officials in the Departments.
was a mistake, purely an accident. The
official Blue Book was the only guide for
the clerks in the matter, and it contains
nothing to distinguish them from male
officials; no "Miss" or "Mrs." before their
names; it has nothing but their initials,
and the mistake was unavoidable. The

mistake was instantly corrected upon be- | Pendleton Exonerates Belknap, but coming known. But the Hon. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, learning these facts, promptly on June 5, but with more zeal than discretion, brought the matter to the attention of the United States Senate by the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on Civil Service and Retrenchment be instructed to inquire whether any attempt is being made to levy and collect assessments for political partisan purposes from any employees of the Government in Washington, whether the same be under the guise of asking voluntary contributions or otherwise; and to report to the Senate by bill or otherwise, in its discretion.

who Exonerates Pendleton-Pendle-
ton's testimony before the House
Belknap Committee, in 1876-A mat-
ter of no little surprise and a great
deal of regret-Disappointment in
the estimate of his Character-An
Agent of Doubtful Claims
men as Claim Agents.

States

Says the New York Evening Post of March 15, 1876, in an editorial headed, "Statesmen as Claim Agents:"

Mr. Pendleton "exonerates the Secretary of War." says a morning journal; but has Mr. And, on June 26, Mr. Pendleton sup- before a Committee of the House of RepresenPendleton exonerated himself? His testimony ported this resolution in a speech in tatives yesterday will occasion a great deal of which he arraigns the Republican Con- regret and no little surprise. Whatever may have gressional Committee, and through it been thought of some of his notions of political the Republican party, as guilty of vio-economy, he has been regarded hitherto as a man of high personal character. It has been lating the Democratic act of 1876 re- supposed that he aimed to consider public specting political assessments. He ar- questions from the plane of the statesman raigns the Republican party for oppres- be a man of political refinement, if the term rather than the politician. He was believed to sion of employees in the Departments, may be used; and if an observer of events had and charges that the circular levies an assessment, and that it was intended and is understood to be compulsory. He concludes with an eulogy of the Democratic party, in which he exclaims:

The history of the Democratic party is before the country. It is a long and glorious history. For more than one-half of this century which is passing away it held possession of the powers of this Government, and illustrated the benefi cence of its policy by an unexampled purity of administration. If he [Senator Conger] shall be able in the course of that long and illustrlous career to find that either in its organization or its prominent men it has at times fallen into evil practices, I can tell him that the Demo cratic party has been subjected to discipline.

PART III.

Statesmen as Claim Agents -The Pendleton-Belknap Kentucky Central Railroad Job- Pendleton assesses fifty per cent. of the Proceeds.

Job

been asked to name eminent Democrats who

would scorn to undertake the negotiation of doubtful Federal claims, especially to become they had rebuked for its corrupt practices in solicitors of a Republican administration which such matters, the name of Mr. Pendleton would have appeared well up in the list. How far he has come short of the estimate which has been formed of him the simple narrative of his case shows.

The Kentucky Central Railroad Claim -Disallowed by Secretary of War Stanton-Claimants have little Faith in Validity of Claim-Offer 50 per cent. "to get it through”-Hon. Geo. H. Pendleton collars the job-Belknap helps it through-Amount of Claim $148,000-Pendleton pockets $75,000 or $65,000-Extortionate and Monstrous Character of the Assessment -Pendleton declares that he did not Bribe Belknap-What shall be said of Statesmen as Claim Agents?

The Post adds:

The claim of the Kentucky Central Railroad, which was allowed by Secretary Belknap after

having been rejected at least once by Secretary

Stanton, was for compensation for transporta tion of troops during the war. Payment had been made to the amount of a certain percentage of the regular rates, and the owners of the there was not much faith in the validity of the road asked for a further allowance. Evidently claim, for one of the owners said that he would give fifty per centum of it "to anybody who would get it through." Men do not so easily relinquish one-half of $150,000 which they believe there is a strong probability of their getting. Mr. Pendleton, however, thought the prize worth trying for. As (1) administrator of the

Who is Hon. Geo. H. Pendleton ?—What are his Qualifications as a Civil Service Reformer?-Have his Associations with Belknap, in 1876, in the Kentucky Central Railroad been condoned or Forgotten? But who is Hon. Geo. H. Pendleton ? He is now posing as a Civil Service Re-estate of his brother-in-law, Mr. Bowler, an esformer. What are his qualifications for that role? Has his association with Belknap, in 1876, in the Kentucky Central Railroad job been condoned or forgotten? Let us in this connection quote the estimate in 1876 of Mr. Pendleton by an organ of Civil Service Re-received for himself $80,000 or $90,000, he is not form:

tate which owned three-fifths of the road, and as representative in that capacity of two minor children; as (2) president of the road; and as (3) Mr. George H. Pendleton, he made with himself a triple agreement under which he secured a good deal more than fifty per centum. The amount paid upon the claim, he says, was either $148,000 or $140,000. Of this amount he

sure which. The remainder-$50,000, $58,000, $60,

000 or $68,000, as the case may be-went to the two minor children and the other owners of the road. He paid from his own share $15,000 to one Ransom, who had some former connection with the claim, so that Mr. Pendleton's net gain from the transaction was $65,000 or $75,000, or from $7,000 to $15,000 more than his clients, if they were his clients, received. Upon the assumption that they were clients, it must be said that the counsel fee was extortionate. Upon the assumption that Mr. Pendleton was a trustee and guardian the charge was still more monstrous.

This criticism proceeds upon the ground that there was no bribery in the case, as Mr. Pendleton says that there was not. Belknap is entitled to the exoneration which Mr. Pendleton has given him; but what shall be said of statesmen as claim agents?

PART IV.

Pendleton's Qualifications as a Civil Service Reformer-His War and Financial Records-A Typical Copperhead Democrat--Theoretically Virtuous and Patriotic.

Pendleton's Qualifications as a Civil Service Reformer-A Claim Agent posing as a Statesman gobbling the Lion Share of Pelf through doubtful War Claims-If an assessment of two per cent. upon Government Officials for partisan purposes would be unlawful or Corrupt, what is an assessment of fifty per cent. upon fraudulent claims by a would-be Civil Ser. vice Reform Leader in his Individual Interests.

individual interests of Hon Geo. H. Pendleton of fifty per cent. upon tainted claims liquidated by a Belknap ?

This Conflict of Pretended Virtue and doubtful acts no new Feature in Pendleten's Character-In 1862, a Rebel Sympathiser, posing as 8 Unionist in the National House of Representatives, and denouncing the Greenback, when absolutely needed for the Support of the Union Forces in the field, as unconstitutional, &c. -In 1864, still posing as a Unionist, the Candidate for Vice President of the Copperhead Democracy upon a Platform denouncing the war for the Union as a Failure-Later, when all men of Sound Financial Views were struggling to Resume Specie Pay. ments, Pendleton becomes the enthusiastic Partisan of the Greenback, ́pronouncing it constitutional, &c.He now, as during the Rebellion, would deny the Republican Party all the Sinews of War, in its conflict with Democracy, in the assured belief that the Success now of the Democratic Party would be scarcely less fatal to every national interest than would the the triumph of the Democracy in Rebellion.

Nor is such a violent contrast of pretended virtue and doubtful acts a new thing in the Senator's biography. In 1862, when the nation was struggling for existence against the Democracy in arms for its destruction, and when our greenback currency was absolutely needed for the support of the Union forces in the field-when without those greenbacks the National Government must Does such a record qualify a Senator have abandoned the contest and secesas a Civil Service Reformer? A doubt-sion have triumphed-the patriotic Senful if not an absolutely fraudulent claim, once disallowed by an incorruptible minister, and its final allowance by a corrupt minister tainted with a charge of bribery as a corrupt inducement for its passage, and of the gross sum thus allowed the Senator pocketing the largest share! If a contribution-call it an assessment, if you please, for the sake of the argumentof two per cent. upon Government officials above a stipulated grade, for the purpose of supporting the Republican party in its contests with the Democracy-with a solid South and its violent and corrupt election agencies-and consequently, in support of every national, material and patriotic interestindeed, in support of these officials themselves, whose places depend wholly upon the success of the Republican party-if such a contribution for such purposes be corrupt or unlawful, what is the character of an assessment in the

ator, then a member of the House, with pronounced rebel sympathies while posing as a Unionist, opposed their issue as unconstitutional and destructive of the best interests of the country. In 1864, while still posing as a patriot, he was the candidate of the Copperhead Democracy for Vice President upon a platform which denounced the war for the Union "a failure." Later, when the national forces had triumphed over the Democracy in rebellion, and the Republican party, all men of all parties of sound financial views, were struggling to get back to the constitutional currency of the Nation, to the resumption of specie payments, the consistent and patriotic Pendleton became the enthusiastic partisan of the greenback. He now pronounced it constitutional. He declared that its practically unlimited issue was demanded by the great needs of all the industrial or business interests of the country. So now, again, Senator

lar. It has none of the elements of compulsion in it, upon which the Senator from Ohio has read by the Senator from Ohio, I will say to him, is an exact copy of the circular that was printed and circulated by the Republican Congressional National Committe in 1880, save and except that "1880" is stricken out and 1882" inserted. The circular of 1880 alluded to the Presidential election of that year, and this circular makes the same allusion to the Presiden

made his comments. The circular which was

tial election of 1884.

Pendleton, affecting a disbelief that the Democratic party had ever been guilty of assessing government officials for partisan purposes, arraigned, with all the airs and flourishes of superior virtue, the Republican Congressional Committee, and through it the Republican party of violating the Democratic law of 1876 respecting political assessments, and indulged in an extravagant eulogy The circular of 1880 was issued by the then of the Democratic party in all its past Congressional Committee of the Republican history. The patriotic Senator would party. It was issued after consideration by now, as during the Rebellion, withhold the members of the committee, and after confrom the organs of the Republican trolled the various Executive Departments of sultation with the gentlemen who then conparty all the sinews of war, being fully this Government. It was well known at the assured that the triumph now of the time that President Haves objected to what Democracy in obtaining possession of wre known as political assessments, and the Congressional Committee did not undertake to the National Government would be make political assessments in any sense; and hardly less fatal to every material in-I want to proclaim now that this is not and is terest of the Nation, to every national in- not intended to be a political assessment, and terest, than would have been the sucevery man who holds office or is in public emcess of the Democracy in arms for the overthrow of the government.

'PART V.

Senators Allison and Hale, members of the Republican Congressional Committee, in the Senate, dis. pose of Pendleton's Absurd Screed-Mr. Hiscock, a member of the Committee, disposes in the House of Springer's and S. S.Cox's hypocritical Palaver.

Senator Allison Corrects Pendleton's Grave Misapprehensions-The Circular in its essence and spirit a Volantary Circular-It has none of the clements of Compulsion-A Copy of Civil Service Reform President Hayes's Circular of 1880, issued after Consultation with Hayes's Cabinet-Hayes opposed to Political Assessments-The Circular in no sense an Assessment-Sent not merely to Government officials, but to all Republicans likely to Contribute-Government officials perfectly free to Contribute or not.

ployment is just as much at liberty, if he so

chooses, to decline to make this contribution as any citizen of the Senator's State is at liberty to decline if he does not see proper to make the contribution voluntarily.

Mr. BECK. I should like to ask one question: for the benefit of some poor people. Do you believe they will be allowed to retain the positions they now hold if they fail to contribute.? I should like to know that.

Kentucky for asking me that question. I was

Mr. ALLISON. I thank the Senator from

coming to that in a moment.

Mr. BECK. Several could not retain their

places after 1880 that refused, I know.

Mr. ALLISON. In 1880, as I said, this identical circular was issued. A Presidential campaign of great interest to the American people was then going forward. and a struggle was be ing made then for the control of the House of Representatives by the two great contending parties in this country. This circular was sent then, as now, to employees of the Government, and to men who were not employees of the gov

ernment It was sent to persons who were supof the Republican party.

posed to be willing to contribute to the success

Senator Allison's Reply to Senator Beck's inquiry-Government officials absolutely free to Contribute or Not at their pleasure-Of 100,000 Government employces addressed in 1880 only 11,514 Contributed-Not one of the Delinquents removed or disturbed in his place-Not one will ever be by Republican Officials in authority.

I now come to give the answer to the Senator from Kentucky, and I want him to listen to what I say. To that circular in 1880 only 11,514 affirmative responses were made of the vast number of employees of the United States who are scattered throughout its borders. Of the 100.000 people in public employment only a little more than one-tenth responded affirmatively; and I now stand in my place and ask the Senator from Kentucky or the Senator from Ohio to name one single office holder who failed to contribute in 1880 who was removed from of

Mr. Pendleton was promptly met and answered by Senators Allison and Hale, members of the Republican Congress-fice for that cause? Of the 100,000 public emional Committee. Mr. Allison said:

Mr.President, I rise chiefly to correct some misapprehensions, and grave misapprehensions, that the Senator fromOhio [Mr.Pendleton] seems to have fallen into, and upon which misapprehensions he has based his remarks to a very great extent. This circular, I need not argue, is in its essence and in its spirit a voluntary circu

ploye s. only a little over 11,000 contributed in 1880, aud I believe that not one man has ever been disturbed in his place because he did no respond favorably to that circular. So that so far from this being a compulsory circular, it is simply a voluntary one; and that was all the statement that I intended to make, or that I propose to make to-day in reference to this inatter.

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