For these and other reasons, which might be mentioned, I cannot join in the call for the convention in Philadelphia. I have said that many of the principles stated in the call are, in my view, unobjectionable. I will not stop to criticise those which are objectionable, but content myself with stating that the call fails to take any notice of one of the great issues now before the American people. I allude to the question whether the several States shall ratify or reject the last amendment proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United States. This is a grave and allimportant question. The issue upon it cannot be avoided. It should be placed fairly and squarely before the people. The failure to take ground upon so important and all-absorbing a question, must be attributed either to a desire to avoid the issue, or as a declaration of belief and policy against the adoption of the amendment. Being myself earnestly and decidedly in favor of the adoption of the amendment by the States, I cannot go into an organization that would either openly oppose that measure, or that would smother it by avoiding its discussion. On July 11th the Postmaster-General, Mr. W. Dennison, of Ohio, tendered his resignation. It was accepted by the President, and A. W. Randall, of Wisconsin, appointed his successor. The resignation of Mr. Dennison was sent to the President, as he said in his letter, "because of the difference of opinion between us in regard to the proposed amendment of the Constitution, which I approve, and the movement for the convention to be held in Philadelphia, to which I am opposed." Mr. Speed subsequently tendered his resignation, and was succeeded by Henry Stanbery, of Ohio. The Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Harlan, of Iowa, soon after being elected Senator, resigned, and was succeeded by Orville H. Browning, of Illinois. The measures to secure the convention in Philadelphia were condemned and repudiated by the great mass of the Republicans, and the majority in Congress. At the same time the proceedings of the latter were condemned by many of the radicals, among whom was Mr. Phillips, who, in a speech befere the Anti-slavery Society, charged that Congress acted "merely with a view to bridge over the fall elections, without even a sincere desire that the amendment to the Constitution should be finally ratified. In the Southern States, the measures for the convention were almost universally approved, as tending toward a speedy restoration of the Union. Mr. Alexander H. Stephens, late Vice-President of the Confederacy, in a reply to the committee, said: Individually my whole soul is enlisted in the cause of a speedy, full, and perfect restoration of the Government under the Constitution, and its permanency under that Constitution as it now stands. There is nothing within my power that I am not willing cheerfully to do to effect and accomplish that end. Indeed (you will excuse me in saying it, but it is the truth), I would be willing to offer up my life itself, if by so doing this great result could be obtained, and peace, union, harmony, prosperity, happiness, and constitutional liberty, be thereby secured to the millions now living, and the untold millions hereafter to live on this continent. Meanwhile a number of persons, designated as Union men of the Southern States, on July 4th issued the following call for a convention of the Southern Unionists to be held in Philadelphia in September: To the Loyal Unionists of the South: The great issue is upon us. The majority in Congress and its supporters firmly declare that the rights of the citizen enumerated in the Constitution, and es tablished by the Supreme Court, must be maintained inviolate. Rebels and rebel sympathizers assert that the rights of the citizens must be left to the States alone, and under such regulations as the respective States choose voluntarily to prescribe. We have seen the doctrine of State sovereignty carried out in its practical results until all authority in Congress was denied; the Union temporarily destroyed; the constitutional rights of the citizens of the South nearly annihilated, and the land desolated by civil war. The time has come when the reconstruction of Southern State governments must be laid on constitutional principles, or the despotism grown up under an atrocious leadership be permitted to remain. der its constitutional powers, shall now exercise its We know of no other plan than that Congress, unauthority to establish the principle whereby proteetion is made coextensive with citizenship. We maintain that no State, either by its organic law or legislation, can make transgression on the ask you to concur in demanding protection to every rights of the citizen legitimate. We demand and citizen of this great Republic on the basis of equality before the law; and further, that no State goveroment should be recognized as legitimate under the Constitution, in so far as it does not, by its organic Under the doctrine of State sovereignty, with rebels law, make impartial protection full and complete. in the foreground controlling Southern legislation, and embittered by disappointment in their schemes to destroy the Union, there will be no safety for the loyal element of the South. Our reliance for protection is now on Congress and the great Union party which has stood, and is standing, by the nationality, by the constitutional rights of the citizen, and by the beneficent principles of free government. For the purpose of bringing the loyal Unionists of the South into conjunction again with the true friends of republican govern ment of the North, we invite you to send delegates, in goodly numbers, from all the Southern States, including Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, to meet at Independence Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, on the first Monday of September next. It is proposed that we should meet at that time to recommend measures for the establishment of sech governments in the South as accord with and protect the rights of all citizens. We trust this call will be responded to by numerous delegations of such as represent the true loyalty of the South. That kind of government which gives full protection to all the rights of the citizen, such as our fathers intended, we claim as our birthright. Either the lovers of constitutional liberty must rule the nation, or rebels and their sympathizers be per mitted to misrule it. Shall loyalty or disloyalty have the keeping of the destinies of the nation? Let the responses to this call, which is now in circulation for signatures, and is being numerously signed, se swer. Notice is given that gentlemen at a distance can have their names attached to it by sending a request by letter directed to D. W. Bingham, Esq., Wastington, D. C. W. B. Stokes, Tenn.; Jos. T. Fowler, Tenn. ; Jas. Getty, Tenn.; A. J. Hamilton, Texas; Geo. W. Paschal, Texas; C. B. Salni, Texas; Z. W. Ashburn, Ga.; Henry G. Cole, Ga.; J. W. McClerry, Mo.; Jno. R. Kelso, Mo.; J. F. Benjamin, Mo. Geo. W. Anderson, Mo.; John B. Trott, Fairfax Co... Va.; J. M. Stewart, Alexandria, Va.; Wm. N. Berkley, Alexandria, Va.; Allin C. Hannan, Alexandria, Va.; Lewis McKenzie, Va.; J. W. Hunnicut, Va.; John C. Underwood, Va.; Burnham Wardwell, Va.; Alex. M. Davis, Va.; Byron Laflin, N. C.; Daniel R. Goodloe, N. C.; Geo. Reese, Ala.; D. H. Bingham, Ala.; M. J. Saffold, Ala.; J. H. Harcombe, Ala. Washington, July 4, 1866. On August 14th the National Union Convention assembled at Philadelphia, in a wigwam constructed for the purpose, and capable of accommodating some fifteen thousand persons. Every State and Territory was represented, excepting Arizona, Montana, and Utah. General John A. Dix was chosen temporary chairman, and Senator James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, the president of the convention. Quite a sensation was produced, at the opening of the convention, by the entrance of the delegates from Massachusetts and South Carolina arm in arm. On the third day, an address to the People of the United States, from a committee, was read by Mr. Henry J. Raymond, of New York, and approved by the convention, and the following resolutions were adopted: The National Union Convention now assembled in the city of Philadelphia, composed of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, admonished by the solemn lessons which, for the last five years, it has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the Universe to give to the American people; profoundly grateful for the return of peace; desirous, as are a large majority of their countrymen, in all sincerity, to forget and forgive the past; revering the Constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors; regarding the Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever; looking with deep anxiety into the future, as of instant and continuing trials, hereby issues and proclaims the following declaration of principles and purposes, on which they have, with perfect unanimity, agreed: 1. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war and the return of peace to our afflicted and beloved land. 2. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the Constitution, with all the powers which it confers, and all the restrictions which it imposes upon the General Government, unabridged and unaltered, and it has preserved the Union, with the equal rights, dignity, and authority of the States perfect and unimpaired. 3. Representation in the Congress of the United States and in the electoral college is a right recognized by the Constitution as abiding in every State, and as a duty imposed upon the people, fundamental in its nature, and essential to the existence of our republican institutions, and neither Congress nor the General Government has any authority or power to deny this right to any State or to withhold its enjoyment under the Constitution from the people thereof. 4. We call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as members thereof none but men who admit this fundamental right of representation, and who will receive to seats therein loyal represent atives from every State in allegiance to the United States, subject to the constitutional right of each House to judge of the elections, returns, and qualifica tion of its own members. 5. The Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, are the supreme law of the land, any thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. All the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, or to the people thereof; and among the rights thus reserved to the States, is the right to prescribe qualifications for the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress cannot interfere. No State or combination of States has the right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any other State or States from the Union. The Union of these States is perpetual. 6. Such amendments to the Constitution of the they may deem expedient, but only in the mode United States may be made by the people thereof as pointed out by its provisions; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or by a convention, and in ratifying the same, all the States of the Union have an equal and indefeasible right to a voice and a vote thereon. 7. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be reestablished upon the soil, or within the jurisdiction of the United States; and the enfranchised slaves in all the States of the Union should receive, in common with all their inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. 8. While we regard as utterly invalid, and never to be assumed or made of binding force, any obligations incurred or undertaken in making war against the sacred and inviolable; and we proclaim our purpose United States, we hold the debt of the nation to be in discharging this, as in performing all other national obligations, to maintain unimpaired and unimpeached the honor and faith of the Republic. 9. It is the duty of the National Government to recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the nation, and by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen, the most generous and considerate care. 10. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who, in his great office, has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the laws, and interests of his country, unmoved by persecution and undeserved reproach, having faith unassailable in the people and in the principles of free government, we recognize a chief magistrate worthy of the nation, and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast; and we tender to him, in the discharge of his high and responsible duties, our profound respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support. A committee consisting of two delegates from each State was appointed to present an official copy of the proceedings to President Johnson. This presentation was made on the next day in a speech by Senator Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland. The President replied at some length, amplifying the views contained in the following extract: But as the work progressed, as reconciliation seemed to be taking place, and the country becoming united, we found a disturbing and marring element opposing us. In alluding to that element, I shall go no further than did your convention and the distinguished gentleman who has delivered to me the report of its proceedings. I shall make no reference to it. That I do not believe the time and the occasion justify. We have witnessed in one department of the Government every effort, as it were, to prevent the restoration of peace and harmony in the Union. We have seen hanging upon the verge of the Government, as it were, a body called, or which assumes to be, the Congress of the United States, but in fact a Congress of only part of the States. We have seen this Congress assume and pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tended to perpetuate disunion, and make a disruption of the States inevitable. The action of the convention was at the outset favorably received by the country, and sanguine expectations were entertained by its friends that its action would be confirmed at the subsequent elections. Meanwhile the Republican party were not inactive. Every effort was made to preserve its ranks unbroken and retain the confidence of the people. The two resolutions which follow, extracted from a series adopted by the Union League of Philadelphia, on August 22d, express the sentiments then entertained by Republicans both toward Congress and the President: Resolved, That the thanks of this League be, and they are hereby cordially presented to the loyal representatives in Congress from this and other States, who, faithful to justice, to liberty, to the Constitution, and the Union, have saved the country from the humiliation, danger, and disgrace of admitting into the public councils unpunished traitors, whose hands are stained with the blood of her loyal children. Resolved, That-in the extraordinary sympathy recently manifested by Andrew Johnson, under the guidance of William H. Seward, with the prominent traitors of the country, and their political adherents; In his treachery to a loyal people, who trusted and raised him to power; In his recent declaration that he will so use that power as to compel every man who holds office under the Government to support his policy or give up his bread; In his denial of the right of the people of the loyal States to exercise legislative powers in Congress in the present condition of the country; In his indecent and ribald attacks upon their representatives for endeavoring to establish justice, and protect a weak and helpless race from persecution, oppression, and slaughter; In his fraternity with the rebels of New Orleans, resulting in a horrible and causeless massacre of loyal, peaceful, and virtuous citizens, wicked in conception and fiendish in execution We recognize with profound disappointment and sorrow a degree of moral and political depravity which has no parallel in our history; and we are thus admonished that the utmost vigilance is now required on the part of those by whose votes and arms the nation was saved, in order to secure the fruits of their victory-justice with peace, and liberty with union. On August 28th the President left Washington for Chicago, to be present at the laying of the corner-stone of a monument to be erected to the memory of the late Stephen A. Douglas. He was accompanied by Secretaries Seward, Welles, Postmaster-General Randall, General Grant, Admiral Farragut, Rear-Admiral Radford, Senator Patterson, M. Romero, Mexican minister, and others of less distinction. The first night was passed in Philadelphia, the second in New York, and Chicago was reached in the evening of September 5th. Immense crowds were present in the cities and towns through which the President passed, and his popular reception was highly flattering. At all important places where the company tarried addresses were made to the President, to which he responded, and often some other members of the party. He entered very fully into a discussion of the leading measures of his administration and of the diffi culties arising from the action of Congress, often using severe and bitter denunciations. The ceremonies at Chicago took place on September 6th, when an address was delivered by General John A. Dix. The party in a measure now broke up, and the President returned rapidly to Washington by the way of Springfield, Ill., and St. Louis, Mo. In a political aspect the excursion was quite unfavorable to the President. Meanwhile the Southern Unionist Convention assembled at Philadelphia on September 1st. This convention was a movement in opposition to the one of August 14th. It was asserted that it would represent the sentiments of men who had been Unionists in the Southern States through the war; while those present from the Southern States in the August 14th such as had been in arms against the Governconvention represented the sentiments only of ment. The mass of the delegates were from the border States, and a very few from those farther South. The convention was organized by the appointment of ex-Attorney-General Speed as president. Delegates appointed by the Governors of several of the Northern States were also present, "not to sit in the convention, but to cheer and cooperate" with the members. In Connecticut the Republican State Committee resolved to send forty delegates. Governor Oglesby, of Illinois, requested the two Senators from that State to act as delegates; Governor Fenton requested the same of the two New York Senators; large delegations were also sent from each of these two States. Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Ohio, were represented by considerable numbers. In the proceedings the Southern Unionists sympathized with the extreme members of Congress in favor of negro suffrage. This finally produced a division; and the Northern representatives, not being disposed to take that advanced position, withdrew from all ostensible connection with the convention. At the same time the delegates from the border States, being in a considerable majority, adopted an address and resolutions, which were quite unsatisfactory to the representatives of the more extreme Southern States. An adjournment was then proposed by the majority, amid great opposition from the minority. The difficulty was arranged by leaving the minority to meet on the next day and adopt an address and resolutions agreeable to their views. The following is an extract from the series of resolutions first adopted: 3. Resolved, That the unhappy policy pursued by Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in its effects upon the loyal people of the South, is unjust, oppressive, and intolerable; and accordingly, however ardently we desire to see our respective States once more represented in the Congress of the nation, we would deplore their restoration on the inadequate conditions prescribed by the President, as tending not to abate, but only to magnify the perils and sorrows of our condition. 4. Resolved, That with pride in the patriotism of the Congress, with gratitude for the fearless and persistent support they have given to the cause of lov alty, and their efforts to restore all the States to their former condition as States in the American Union, we will stand by the positions taken by them, and use all means consistent with a peaceful and lawful course to secure the ratification of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States, as proposed by the Congress at its recent session, and regret that the Congress in its wisdom did not provide by law for the greater security of the loyal people in the States not yet admitted to representation. 5. Resolved, That the political power of the Government of the United States in the administration of public affairs is by its Constitution confided to the popular or law-making department of the Govern ment. 6. Resolved, That the political situation of the States lately in rebellion to the United States Government and the rights of the people of such States are political questions, and are, therefore, clearly within the control of Congress, to the exclusion of the independent action of any and every other department of the Government. The following is an extract from the close of the address adopted by the minority on the ensuing day: We affirm that the loyalists of the South look to Congress with affectionate gratitude and confidence as the only means to save us from persecution, exile, and death itself. And we also declare that there can be no security for us or our children, there can be no safety for the country against the fell spirit of slavery, now organized in the form of serfdom, unless the Government, by national and appropriate legislation, enforced by national authority, shall confer on every citizen in the States we represent the American birthright of impartial suffrage and equality before the law. This is the one all-sufficient remedy. This is our great need and pressing necessity. This is the only policy which will destroy sectionalism, by bringing into effective power a prepondering force on the side of loyalty. It will to an enduring pacification, because based on the eternal principles of justice. It is a policy which will finally regenerate the South itself, because it will introduce and establish there a divine principle of moral politics which, under God's blessing, will, in elevating humanity, absorb and purify the unchristian hate and selfish passions of men. It will bless those who give as well as those who receive. It will be the crowning act of glory to our free Republic, and when done will be received, as was the act of emancipation, with joy and praise throughout the world as the final realization of the promises of the Declaration of American Independ ence. H. C. WARMOTH, of Louisiana, Chairman. D. H. BINGHAM, of Alabama. A. W. TOURGEE, of North Carolina. JAMES H. BELL, of Texas. JOHN HAUXHURST, of Virginia-Committee. A committee was appointed, prior to the withdrawal of the border State delegates, to present a copy of the proceedings of the Convention to Congress. A delegation was also appointed to follow the route taken by the President in his recent tour, and address the people of the various towns; meeting together on October 1st at Chicago; thence to proceed to the tomb of Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield. On August 19th an address, signed by prominent officers of the army in Washington, was issued to the soldiers and sailors who served in the late war, and who approved of the resto ration policy of the President, and the principles of the convention in Philadelphia, on August 14th, inviting them to meet in convention at Cleveland, Ohio, on September 17th, "for consultation on the momentous issues convulsing the country." This convention assembled in large numbers on the 17th, and was organized with Major-General Gordon Granger as president. An address and resolutions were adopted of the same general character with those of the Philadelphia convention. During the session of the convention the following dispatch was received and read: MEMPHIS, September 17, 1866. To the President of the Soldiers and Sailors' Convention, Cleveland, Ohio: The soldiers of the late Confederate army met here to-day, and deputed the undersigned to congratulate your convention on its efforts to restore peace and quietude to the country, and to express their deep sympathy with your patriotic purpose; and further to assure you that the Confederate soldiers are entirely willing to leave the determination of their rights as citizens of the States, and of the United States, to the soldiers of the Union. On our part we pledge sespeech and opinion to all. A mass meeting will be curity of life, person, and property, and freedom of held here to-morrow night to give formal expression to these purposes and sentiments. (Signed) R. CHALMERS, L. J. DEEPSIC, N. B. FORREST. LEON TRUESDALE, M. C. GALLOWAY, J. JORDON, M. GORDON, J. HARVEY, The following reply, after having been approved by the convention, was made to the above dispatch: CLEVELAND, Oно, September 18, 1866. To N. B. Forrest, J. Jordon, and others, Memphis: The National Union Convention of Soldiers and Sailors assembled here are profoundly grateful for the patriotic sentiments expressed in your dispatch. We hail with pleasure every effort to restore peace, entire country. War has its victories, but peace and prosperity, and brotherly affection throughout our union are blessings for which we will manfully contend, until harmony and justice are restored under the Constitution. (Signed) GORDON GRANGER, President of the Convention, G. A. CUSTER, J. B. STEADMAN, JOHN E. WOOL, THOMAS EWING, JR., THOMAS CRITTENDEN, THOMAS E. BRAMLETTE. The Convention of Southern Soldiers, mentioned above, as about to be convened at Memphis, met on the next day, and unanimously adopted the following resolutions: Whereas, a convention of the Union Soldiers and Sailors, now in session in the city of Cleveland, Ohio, having under consideration the best mode in which to restore the Union of these States, and to cement that bond of fraternal friendship so sundered by the late war; and Confederate States, feeling and being in sympathy Whereas, we, the soldiers of the late army of the with the movement of our late adversaries to restore our country to its former state of peace, happiness, and prosperity; and Whereas, we believe that our stern advocacy of the principles for which we conscientiously struggled during a period of four years will be rather a recommendation of our sincerity and honorable purposes to the brave soldiers of the Union; therefore, Resolved, That we have seen with pleasure the movements made by the soldiers and sailors of the Union, for the preservation of which they have so long fought; and that we have no fears that wrong or injustice will be done to us by those we have learned on the battle-field to respect as "foemen worthy of our steel." Resolved, That we tender to them a soldier's pledge of our fidelity to the Government, of our assistance in the maintenance of law and order, and our earnest desire for the return of that day when the American people can say with truth they "know no North, no South, no East, and no West." Resolved, That the charge that the life, liberty, or property of Northern men is unsafe or unprotected in the South is a slander which could only have emanated from the cowardly fears of "fireside heroes," or from the corrupt machinations of reckless officeholders, grown desperate at the approach of retributive justice, and the loss of power and place. On September 25th a convention of soldiers and sailors who sustained the measures adopted by Congress for the restoration of the Union, assembled at Pittsburg, Pa., and organized by the election of Major-General J. D. Cox, of Ohio, as president. A wigwam had been constructed for the occasion, and the attendance was large. A series of resolutions was reported by Major-General B. F. Butler, and adopted unanimously. The following are two of the series: Resolved, That the President, as an executive officer, has no right to a policy as against the legislative department of the Government. That his attempt to fasten his scheme of reconstruction upon the country is as dangerous as it is unwise; his acts in sustaining it have retarded the restoration of peace and unity; they have converted conquered rebels iato impudent claimants to rights which they have forfeited, and places which they have desecrated. If consummated it would render the sacrifices of the nation useless, the loss of the lives of our buried comrades vain, and the war in which we have so gloriously triumphed, what his present friends at Chicago, in 1864, declared it to be, a failure. Resolved, That the right of the conqueror to legislate for the conquered has been recognized by the public law of all civilized nations. By the operation of that law for the conservation of the good of the whole country, Congress had the undoubted right to establish measures for the conduct of the revolted States, and to pass all acts of legislation that are necessary for the complete restoration of the Union. A convention of working-men was assembled at Baltimore, on August 21st, to consult upon measures suitable to promote the interests of working-men. An important object was to make eight hours the length of a day's labor. The disposal of the public lands, and foreign pauper labor and convict labor, were also subjects of discussion. The State elections, which were held in the months of September, October, and November, resulted in favor of the Republicans, by increased majorities, as will be seen by reference to the States respectively. The financial condition of the Government, its system of taxation and revenue, are presented under the title FINANCES, etc.; the foreign relations under DIPLOMATIC INTERCOURSE, etc. (See also COMMERCE, CONGRESS, ARMY, NAVY, and the Southern States respectively.) During the year the Constitutional Amendment, known as article 14, was ratified by Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Tennessee, New Jersey, Oregon, and Vermont. In January, 1867, it was brought before the Legislatures of several other States. The UNIVERSALISTS. The General Convention of the Universalists of the United States met at Galesburg, Illinois, on the 18th of September. A larger attendance had been anticipated at this Convention than at any previous one; but these anticipations were not realized. total number of ministers present was sixty-six. The assembly organized by electing the Hon. Sidney Perham, Member of Congress from Maine, President. The trustees of the missionary fund reported that, of the $100,000 which last year's Convention had resolved to raise, about $17,000 had been raised, nearly all by subscription and in the State of New York. A resolution to extend to the Unitarians cordial sympathy in their efforts to promote the spread of liberal Christianity in our country, and to express the willingness of the Universalists to cooperate with Unitarians, in all practical ways, for the Christianizing of the world, was adopted by a large majority. The Convention also unanimously adopted a series of resolutions on the state of the country, deeply regretting "the manifest sympathy of purpose" existing between President Andrew Johnson and the late Confederates, deploring "the reproach which has been cast upon the people of this land by the disgraceful personal conduct of the President," commending the policy of Congress, but earnestly protesting "against any final reconstruction which fails to do the amplest justice to all the loyal defenders of the country," and declaring that "no policy can meet the approval of the Universalist denomination, which does not embrace impartial suffrage." It was also resolved that the council was in hearty sympathy with all organizations whose object it may be to promote the cause of temperance. The Boston Universalist makes a statement of the work done by this denomination during the past year. The result is regarded by the Universalist as satisfactory. "The denomination," it says, "has done more during the year 1866 than in any year; we may, perhaps, say any decade of years before. For educational institutions, in the form of bequests, we have raised $300,000, and by subscription and donations, $272,000. For missionary funds, etc., $33,000. For church edifices dedicated during the year, $435,000. Total, $1,040,000, or in round numbers, $1,000,000, as the year's addition to the permanent resources of the denomination. The transient contributions for the year, or annual expenditures, are estimated as |