plan and that of Judge Warmoth. The duty of initiating a move in opposition to all the powers of the executive, would be the death-warrant of the President of your committee. Have you the power to go in another State, in Ohio, for instance, and call upon the people to set up a new government? The Governor of Ohio would arrest forthwith the promoters of such a move. Will not the position be the same in Louisiana? It will be worse. In Louisiana you will be arraigned before the court-martial. The matter is, therefore, very important, and however good be the motives of those who uphold the resolutions, we have to look to the consequences. The cause of liberty is sometimes jeopardized by the very men who profess to promote it. He knows men who now profess to be your friends, and who rode in cars in New Orleans, and had for their motto, "no negro equality.' His suspicions are aroused when he sees men advocating the cause of liberty who have slain liberty before. He alluded to the past events of our State history to illustrate that sentiment. In conclusion, he stated that he has always done his duty to the cause, and is ready to fall with it.

Mr. Waples thought that the people of the Territory could act in their primary capacity and get up a Constitution without asking the consent of Congress or anybody else. He pronounced the present Constitution a mockery, and declared that "the black people would have been justified all the time to claim their rights," and added: "But here we have to bear in mind that Congress cannot pass a bill without the cooperation of the President, and he seems bent upon vetoing all measures in favor of the emancipated. There are a great many things which are right but which are not expedient. The whole question is in the expediency.' The case, according to his view, was surrounded by difficulties, and he seriously doubted the ability of his colored friends, even with the Central Committee at their back, to carry a Constitution against the authority of all the powers that be.

"When we take this matter in hand," said he, "let us put it through. But it is not yet quite time to determine upon claiming our rights at all hazards. It is said that acts of violence would be the best evidence that the policy of the President has been a failure; but we would stand in the position of a man who undertook to build a house and did not calculate the cost. We have already acted our part; we have sent Judge Warmoth to Congress. Why did not Congress act upon that? They had the power to admit him; the House could do so without the cooperation of the President. On the contrary, to have the State admitted will require the signature of the President.

The plan of calling a convention to adopt a constitution for Louisiana was finally given up, and the more favorable project of reassembling the Convention of 1864 adopted, by which the existing constitution of Louisiana was formed, and subsequently adopted by the voters. The agitation of this measure was at first received by the press and the public generally with derision, but as it became manifest that those desiring to effect the reassembling of the convention were seriously in earnest some excitement was produced. Finally, the President pro tem., Judge Howell, not the President, Judge Durell, of the Convention of 1864, issued an order reconvoking the same on July 30th. The convention, previous to its adjournment, passed a resolution providing, "that when this convention adjourns, it shall be at the call of the President, whose duty it shall be to reconvoke the convention for any cause, or in case the

constitution should not be ratified, for the purpose of taking such measures as may be necessary for the formation of a civil government in Louisiana. He shall also in that case call upon the proper officers of the State, to cause elections to be held to fill any vacancies that may exist in the convention in parishes where the same may be practicable." The vacancies were fifty-two in 1864, from twenty-one parishes. This movement was noticed before the grand jury by the judge, presiding in the only court of record sitting in New Orleans, which had jurisdiction of crimes and offences against the laws of the State. The Judge (Abell) was a member of the Convention of 1864, and thus expressed his views to the jury on July 23d:

GENTLEMEN OF THE GRAND JURY: You ask for more specific instructions relative to your powers to suppress unlawful assemblies, dangerous to the peace and good order of the State, such as is advised to take place on the 30th instant. Every thing is comprehended in the instructions already given.

The Constitution of 1864 is the fundamental law of the State, and furnishes ample protection for its supremacy, and can only be altered or amended in accordance with the provisions contained in the instrument itself. The oath required to support a constitution by officers of a State who are intrusted with its admission is one of the guaranties that it will not be betrayed. In some governments, a violation of that oath would not only be perjury, but treason, which being a higher grade of felony, perjury is merged in it.

Under the Constitution of this State, a violation of oath of office would be perjury and nothing more. I, and every officer in the State of Louisiana, have sworn to support the constitution, and substantially make oath that it shall not be altered in any other manner than is provided in the 17th article of the: instrument.

I now charge you that a violation of that oath is perjury in the officer or officers who violate it, and suboruation of perjury in all who procure it to be

done.

The 147th article of the constitution of 1864, made by the late convention, clearly points out the mode of amending it. It reads: " Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed in the Senate or House of Representatives, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the members elected to each house, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on their journals, with the yeas and nays taken thereon. Such proposed amendment or amendments shall be submitted to

the people at an election to be ordered by the said Legislature, and held within ninety days after adjournment of the same, and after thirty days' publication according to law; and if a majority of the voters at said election shall approve and ratify such amendment or amendments the same shall become a part of this constitution. If more than one amendment is submitted at a time they shall be submitted in such manner and form that the people may vote for or against each amendment separately."

This, gentlemen, is the only mode pointed out by the constitution, and it being fully ratified by the people, it can only be altered by their own consent expressed at the ballot-box or by the Legislature. By the second clause of article 149 it is declared that "all laws in force at the time of the adoption of this constitution, and not inconsistent therewith, shall continue as if the same had not been adopted."

tegrity of the constitution. Among the laws thus These laws furnish ample vindication for the inadopted, by the convention itself, are several sections against breaches of the peace, misdemeanor is

office, unlawful assemblies, vagrancy, perjury, and subornation of perjury. And it is my duty as one of the conservators of the peace and Judge of the Criminal Court, and you as a grand inquest of the parish of Orleans, and of all other peace officers, to use all lawful means to prevent any unlawful assembly or assemblies, and such as would have a natural tendency to create a breach of the public peace.

Any attempt to alter the constitution of the State in defiance of its provisions, by any body of men, unauthorized by the provisions of the constitution, or emanating directly from the people through the ballot-box, is illegal and unconstitutional, and punishable by law.

The grand jury under these instructions were prepared to find a bill of indictment against such members of the convention as might assemble, when warrants would be issued and placed in the hands of the sheriff for their arrest. Among the reports soon after afloat and generally credited was one, that General Baird, in command during the absence of General Sheridan, had informed the Mayor that if the sheriff undertook to arrest the members under a warrant from the proper legal authority, he would arrest the sheriff. The facts were stated by the Mayor to the President to be as follows:

The case was submitted to the grand jury by the Attorney-General, and in the mean time the Lieutenant-Governor and the Mayor called upon General Baird to ascertain whether, if a warrant issued upon a regular indictment were placed in the hands of the sheriff for the arrest of the members of the convention, the military would interfere. The answer was that the sheriff himself would be arrested, and that the convention, meeting peaceably, could not be interfered with by the officers of the law.

It is proper here to state that the Mayor had previously addressed a note to General Baird, inquiring whether he would be interfered with by the military in case he would proceed to disperse the convention as an unlawful assemblage.

The answer to this communication was that the meeting of the convention being peaceable could not be suppressed by the Mayor, and that the military authorities would prevent the interference of the civil authorities. It was suggested by the Lieutenant-Governor that the city authorities, under those circumstances, did not intend to interfere to prevent the meeting of the convention. But he proposed that in case a warrant of arrest were placed in the hands of the sheriff, the latter, before attempting to execute it, would call on the general, who thereupon would indorse his objections, and the matter would at once be submitted to the President. This arrangement was satisfactory to both parties. On the same day the Attorney-General and the Lieutenant-Governor telegraphed to the President to ascertain whether the process of the court to arrest the members of the convention could be thwarted by the military.

The answer of the President was as follows: WASHINGTON, July 28, 1866. Albert Voorhees, Lieutenant-Governor, of Louisiana: The military will be expected to sustain, and not obstruct or interfere with the proceedings of the A dispatch on the subject of the convention was sent to Governor Wells this morning. ANDREW JOHNSON.

courts.

On the other hand, Governor Wells, in compliance with the order of the President pro tem. issued his proclamation on July 27th, for an

election to fill the vacancies to be held on the 3d day of September ensuing. He said:

Whereas, R. K. Howell, President pro tem. of the convention for the revision and amendment of the Constitution of Louisiana, has issued an order reconvoking the said convention, to meet in the city of New Orleans on the 30th day of July instant, and

Whereas, in the same document, and in conformity to a resolution of that body, he has called on the Governor of the State to issue writs of election for delegates to said convention in all parishes not represented therein:

Now, therefore, I., J. Madison Wells, Governor of the State of Louisiana, do issue this my proclamation, commanding that an election be held on Monday, the 3d day of September, 1866, by the qualified voters, for delegates to the aforesaid convention, as follows:

Twenty-seven parishes are then designated in which fifty-one delegates were to be elected. These parishes were outside of the military lines in 1864. The Governor then continued:

And I do further command all sheriffs, commiscerned, to hold the said election as herein ordered, sioners of elections and other officers therein conthe proceedings to be conducted according to law, and no person will have the right to vote unless he has restored his citizenship by having taken the oath, before competent authority, as prescribed in the amnesty proclamation of the President of the United States, either of January 1, 1864, or May 29, 1865.

All persons excluded from general amnesty by being embraced in any of the articles of exception contained therein will not be allowed to vote unless specially pardoned by the President.

Prompt returns will be made of such election to the Secretary of State-for all of which this proclamation, without further notice, will serve as authority.

Given under my hand at the city of New Orleans, this twenty-seventh day of July, A. D. 1866, and the independence of the United States the ninety-first.

The Lieutenant-Governor, the Attorney-General, Secretary of State, Auditor, and State Treasurer, elected at the same time with the Governor, united in protesting against the act of the Governor; and the Secretary of State refused to attach his signature and the seal of the State to the Governor's proclamation. Meantime the Judge of the State Court abovementioned, who charged the grand jury, was arrested by the United States Commissioner Shannon, and held to bail on charges of sedition and treason. On the same evening on which the Governor's proclamation was issued, the friends of the movement held a meeting of citizens without distinction of color, at which ex-Governor Hahn presided. Speeches were made by Messrs. Hahn, Field, Waples, and others, and the following resolutions were adopted:

Resolved, That the seventy-five thousand citizens of Louisiana, qualified to vote, but disfranchised on account of color, twenty thousand of whom risked their lives in her behalf in the war against the rebellion, and, by their bravery on the battle-field, helped to destroy the rebel power within her limits, may claim from her as a right, and deserve as a debt of gratitude, that participation in the Government which citizenship confers.

reassembling of the Constitutional Convention of Resolved, That we cordially indorse the proposed Louisiana, seeing in that movement a reasonable

hope of the establishment in this State of justice and right for all her citizens, irrespective of color, and also of the enforcement of that patriotic declaration of President Johnson, "that treason is a crime and must be made odious, and that traitors must take a back seat in the work of reconstruction."

Resolved, That we heartily commend the manly and energetic course pursued by Gov. J. Madison Wells and Judge Rufus K. Howell, in rising to the height of the occasion in the performance of a solemn act of duty, regardless of private threats of personal violence, and unmoved by the ridicule, censure and attempt at intimidation of the rebel press of the city. Resolved, That the thanks of the loyal men of Loui

siana are due to the Congress of the United States for

the firm stand taken by them in the matter of recon struction, for the protection and aid afforded by the "Civil Rights,' ," "Freedmen's Bureau," and "Homestead" laws, and for the encouragement given to the friends of the National Government in the recently rebel States, to remodel their fundamental laws in accordance with the immortal principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence.

Resolved, That the military and naval authorities of the nation are entitled to our gratitude for the security afforded by their protection and for the additional guaranty of impartial justice contained in their recent orders; a guaranty unfortunately made necessary until the full reestablishment of civil law, by the malice of our defeated and disappointed fellowcitizens.

Resolved, That until the doctrine of the political equality of all citizens, irrespective of color, is recognized in this State by the establishment therein of universal suffrage, there will and can be no permanent peace.

At the same time when the above meeting form on the outside of the building to a large was going on, speeches were made from a platassemblage of negroes, of which that of Dr. Dostie is reported as follows in the New Orleans

Times. He said:

I want the negroes to have the right of suffrage, and we will give them this right to vote. There will be another meeting here to-morrow night, and on Monday I want you to come in your power. I want no cowards to come. I want only brave men to come, who will stand by us, and we will stand by them. Come, then, in your power to that meeting, or never go to another political meeting in this State. We have three hundred thousand black men with white hearts. Also one hundred thousand good and true Union white men, who will fight for and beside the black race, against the three hundred thousand hell-hound rebels, for now there are but two parties here. There are no copperheads now. Colonel Field, now making a speech inside, is heart and soul with He and others who would not a year ago speak to me, now take me by the hand. We are four hundred thousand to three hundred thousand, and can not only whip but exterminate the other party. Judge Abell with his grand jury may indict us. Harry Hays, with his posse comitatus, may be expected there, and the police, with more than a thou

us.

sand men sworn in, may interfere with the convention; therefore let all brave men, and not cowards, come here on Monday. There will be no such puerile affair as at Memphis, but, if interfered with, the streets of New Orleans will run with blood! The rebels say they have submitted and accept the situation, but want you to do the work and they will do the voting; and will you throw over them "the mantle of charity and oblivion?"

"We will! we will!" was the unanimous response of the excited throng, to which Dr. Dostie velemently replied:

"No, by God! we won't. We are bound to have

universal suffrage, though you have the traitor, Andrew Johnson, against you," etc.

On Monday, July 30th, the day on which the convention was to meet, the Mayor of the city issued the following proclamation:

MAYORALTY OF NEW ORLEANS, CITY HALL, July 30, 1866. Whereas, The extinct Convention of 1864 proposes meeting this day; and

Whereas, Intelligence has reached me that the peace and good order of the city might be disturbed; Now, therefore, I, John T. Monroe, Mayor of the calling upon the good people of this city to avoid City of New Orleans, do issue this my proclamation, with care all disturbance and collision; and I de particularly call upon the younger members of the community to act with such calmness and propriety as that the good name of the city may not be tarnished and the enemies of the reconstruction policy of President Johnson be not afforded an opportunity, so much courted by them, of creating a breach of the peace, and of falsifying facts to the great injury of the city and State. And I do further enjoin upon all good citizens to refrain from gathering in or about the place of meeting of said extinct convention, satisfied from recent dispatches from Washington that the deliberations of the members thereof will receive no countenance from the President, and that he will sustain the agents of the present civil gov ernment and vindicate its laws and acts to the satisfaction of the good people of the city and State. JOHN T. MONROE, Mayor.

On Monday, July 30th, some members of the convention assembled at the Mechanics' Institute

building, standing about the centre of the Howell took the chair; a prayer was offered square, on Dryades Street, between Canal and Common Streets. At 12 M. President pro tem. by Rev. Mr. Horton; the roll was called and twenty-five members answered to their names. Three or four others subsequently came in. No quorum being present, which required seventysix members, the sergeant-at-arms and assistants were sent after absentees, and a recess of one hour was taken.

Meantime, during the morning, the Lieutenant-Governor, Voorhees, states that he called upon General Baird to communicate to him the President's dispatch, and also inquired from the general if he would not have some troops in the vicinity of the hall to preserve peace and good order. General Baird answered that application had been made by members of the convention. The suggestion was then made, that to have too large a police force on the spot might be construed as meant to overawe the members, and inasmuch as the civil authorities did not intend interfering with the convention until instructions were received from the President, as had been agreed upon, it was proper to have troops to cooperate with a small police force to preserve peace, and precollision. This suggestion met the approva vent all possible attempt to bring about a of the general, who then stated that he would immediately give orders to have the troops in readiness. Before the end of this interview it was again agreed upon between General Baird and the lieutenant-governor, that whatever warrant of arrest might be placed in

the hands of the sheriff would be submitted to him before any attempt to have it executed should be made, and that upon the indorsement of the general's objections the matter would be referred to the President. The Mayor being informed of this arrangement, states that he sent but a small police force to the vicinity of hall, and the troops that were to act in conjunction with the police were eagerly expected. General Baird, in command, writes on the same day to the Secretary of War as follows: I had not been applied to by the Convention for protection, but the Lieutenant-Governor and the Mayor had freely consulted with me, and I was so fully convinced that it was so strongly the intent of the city authorities to preserve the peace, in order to prevent military interference, that I did not regard an outbreak as a thing to be apprehended. The Lieutenant-Governor had assured me that, even if a

writ of arrest was issued by the court, the sheriff would not attempt to serve it, without my permission, and for to-day they designed to suspend it. I ordered a steamer to be at Jackson Barracks (three miles below the city), at an early hour in the morning, and a tug to be ready to bear orders to the commanding officer of the First Infantry stationed at that point. At eleven and-a-half o'clock A. M., Lieutenant-Governor Voorhees came to see me, and, after conversation (he feeling confident at the time of the ability of the police to preserve order), I proposed to bring to the city four companies one hour in advance of the supposed meeting of the convention, at six o'clock, P. M., to be kept near by, in case they should be required to keep clear the streets in the vicinity of the hall in which the convention was to meet. He agreed with me that it would be very desirable, but left me, not apprehending difficulty. At twelve o'clock, M., I drove to see Judge Howell, President of the Convention, to request that arrangements might be made to keep any crowd that might assemble to protect the convention out of the streets, so as to avoid an accidental collision. When I reached his house I learned that the convention was to meet at twelve o'clock M., and that he had gone to it. Returning to my headquarters, I soon received a letter from the LieutenantGovernor, informing me that large parties of negroes were collecting from all quarters and coming into the centre of the city; yet he was not sure of his information. However, I at once sent for the troops. Very soon afterward I learned that a riot had taken place near the convention hall, and I sent a staffofficer to investigate the facts. On his return he reported having met Judge Howell, who said the convention had adjourned for want of a quorum, but would meet again at one and a half o'clock P. M. This reassured me; but I again sent to hasten the arrival of the troops. Immediately after this the riot assumed

a serious character.

At the time when the recess was taken in the convention a few left the chamber, and the mass of colored men who were outside the bar were admitted inside, and a band heading a negro procession came up from Canal Street, and was received by the crowd of negroes outside with wild and excited cheering. The excite ment was communicated to those inside the lobbies, and the cheers from the street were responded to. In a moment afterward the band marched into the hall where the convention members met. At this time a disturbance commenced in the street which quickly brought on a conflict between the mass of negroes on the one side and the police and citizens on the

other. Missiles were thrown, shots fired, and finally the negro crowd scattering wide, ran back toward the building and disappeared; the great body took refuge in the entrance to the institute, out of which they fired on the police, who fired back in return. Those inside barricaded themselves in the building, while the police took possession of the street in front, and the firing was then carried on by the police from the street and the negroes from the second story front. No police could prevent the crowd of citizens from rushing into the open street and now and then making with the police a rally upon the building. Soon the firing was transferred from the front of the building to either side, where the negroes as they appeared were stoned by the crowd outside. Many of the negroes escaped by letting themselves down from the rear part and running to the rear for safety. Comparative quiet followed in front and a lull in the firing. But the police did not enter the building, notwithstanding the fire had slacked, as they would be beaten back, and the negroes who came out of the front door, as well as those who were dropping from the windows, one by one, were inhumanly attacked and killed; many of them, notwithstanding efforts of the police to prevent it. This, however, soon ceased, and one by one, white as well as black, the persons inside of the building, as soon as they appeared, were carried off to the police station. About two and a half o'clock a white handkerchief was shown and the occupants inside were removed to the station. As member after member of the convention appeared, they were greeted with hooting, yelling, and hissing. There were many among the crowd who were drunk and infuriated, and who attacked even policemen who were escorting away prisoners, besides in several instances killing the prisoners.

At sunset the approaches to the Institute were guarded by sentries; the infantry were under arms, and the artillery in position, commanding the principal streets and ready for any emergency. General Baird had proclaimed martial law, and the Mayor had issued a proclamation calling upon all citizens, who were willing, to be sworn in as extra policemen. On the next day, July 31st, Gen. Baird issued an order convening a board of military officers to investigate and report upon all the facts connected with the disturbance. This board consisted of officers Joseph A. Mower, President, S. M. Quincey, J. Irvin Gregg, George Baldy. They reported that, in their opinion, the immediate cause of the riots was to be found in the violent feelings of hostility toward the so-called Convention of 1864. The question in discussion between the civil and military authorities was, whether the persons claiming to constitute such convention should be allowed to assemble. They then proceed to examine the action of the civil and military authorities-express the belief that if martial law had not been declared,

You are doubtless aware of the serious riot which occurred in this city on the 30th. A political body styling itself the Convention of 1864, met on the 30th, for, as it is alleged, the purpose of remodelling the present constitution of the State. The leaders were political agitators and revolutionary men, and the action of the convention was liable to produce breaches of the public peace. I had made up my mind to arrest the head men if the proceedings of the convention were calculated to disturb the tranquillity of the Department, but I had no cause for action until they committed the overt act. In the mean time official duty called me to Texas, and the Mayor of the city, during my absence, suppressed the convention by the use of the police force, and, in so doing, attacked the members of the convention and a party of two hundred negroes with fire-arms, clubs and knives, in a manner so unnecessary and atrocious as to compel me to say that it was murder. About forty whites and blacks were thus killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded. Every thing is now quiet, but I deem it best to maintain a military supremacy in the city for a few days, until the affair is fully investigated. I believe the sentiment of the general community is great regret at this unnecessary cruelty, and that the police could have made any

arrest they saw fit without sacrificing lives.

P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General Commanding. NEW ORLEANS, LA., August 2, 1866. U. S. Grant, General, Washington, D. C.: The more information I obtain of the affair of the 20th, in this city, the more revolting it becomes. It was no riot; it was an absolute massacre by the police, which was not excelled in murderous cruelty by that of Fort Pillow. It was a murder which the Mayor and police of the city perpetrated without the shadow of a necessity; furthermore, I believe it was premeditated, and every indication points to this. I recommend the removing of this bad man. I believe it would be hailed with the sincerest gratification by two-thirds of the population of the city. There has been a feeling of insecurity on the part of the people here on account of this man, which is now so much increased that the safety of life and property does not rest with the civil authorities, but with the military. P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General Commanding. NEW ORLEANS, LA., August 8, 1866. U. S. Grant, General, Washington, D. C.:

I have the honor to report quiet in the city, but considerable excitement in the public mind. There is no interference on the part of the military with the civil government, which performs all its duties without hindrance.

I have permitted the retention of the military governor appointed during my absence, as it gives confidence and enables the military to know what is occurring in the city. He does not interfere with civil matters.

Unless good judgment is exercised, there will be an exodus of northern capital and Union men which will be injurious to the city and to the whole country. I will remove the military governor in a day or two. I again strongly advise that some disposition be made to change the present mayor, as I believe it would do more to restore confidence than any thing

that could be done. If the present Governor could be changed also, it would not be amiss. P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General Commanding.

On August 4th, the President addressed by telegraph the following inquiries to General Sheridan:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., Aug. 4, 1866. To Major-General Sheridan, commanding, etc., New Orleans, La. :

We have been advised here that, prior to the assembling of the illegal and extinct convention elected in 1864, inflammatory and insurrectionary speeches were made to a mob, composed of white and colored persons, urging them to arm and equip themselves for the purpose of protecting and sustaining the convention in its illegal and unauthorized proceedings, intended and calculated to upturn and supersede the existing State Government of Louisiana, which had been recognized by the Government of the United States. Further, did the mob assemble, and was it armed for the purpose of sustaining the convention in its usurpation and revolutionary proceedings? Have any arms been taken from persons since the 30th ult., who were supposed or known to be connected with this mob? Have not various individuals been assaulted and shot by persons connected with this mob without good cause, and in violation of the public peace and good order? Was not the assembling of this convention and the gathering of the mob for its defence and protection the main cause of the riotous and unlawful proceedings of the civil authorities of New Orleans? Have steps been taken by the civil authorities to arrest and try any and all those who were engaged in this riot, and those who have committed offences in violation of law? Can

ample justice be meted by the civil authorities to all offenders against the law? Will General Sheridam please furnish me a brief reply to the above inquiries, with such other information as he may be in possession of?

Please answer by telegraph at your earliest convenience. ANDREW JOHNSON,

President United States.

The reply of General Sheridan was as follows:

NEW ORLEANS, La, August 6, 12 m., 1866. His Excellency Andrew Johnson, President Unital States:

your dispatch of August fourth (4th): A very large I have the honor to make the following reply to Friday night, July twenty-seventh (27th), and were number of colored people marched in procession on Dostie, ex-Governor Hahn, and others. The speech addressed from the steps of the City Hall by Doctor of Dostie was intemperate in language and sentiment. The speeches of the others, so far as I can learn, were characterized by moderation. I have not given you the words of Dostie's specch, as the version published was denied; but from what I have learned of the man, I believe they were intemperate.

The convention assembled at twelve (12) M. on the thirtieth (30th), the timid members absenting themselves, because the tone of the general public was ominous of trouble. I think there were but about twenty-six (26) members present. In the front of the Mechanics' Institute, where the meeting was held, there were assembled some colored men, women, and children, perhaps eighteen (18) or twenty (20), and in the institute a number of colored men, probably one hundred and fifty (150). Among those outside and inside there might have been a pistol in the possession of every tenth (10th) man.

About one (1) P. M. a procession of, say from sixty (60) to one hundred and thirty (130) colored men marched up Burgundy Street and across Canal Street toward the convention, carrying the American flag.