regard as in principle removed the obstacles with re-
spect to those guaranties for the general State con-
nection we are obliged, as the immediate conse-
quence of the Pragmatic Sanction, to guard from
every danger. We shall thus upon our part be able
to contribute toward the fulfilment of the wishes
conspicuously put forward in the addresses of the
estates and representatives, and by the appointment
of a responsible ministry, as well as the restoration
of the municipal self-administration, to do justice to
the constitutional demands of the people of our be-
loved kingdom of Hungary. While we are resolved
to introduce the responsible system of government
not only into Hungary, but generally, we reserve to
ouselves to carry out the detailed application and re-
alization of the principles referring to common affairs,
together with the modification of those stipulations
of the laws of 1848, respecting which we expressed
our hesitation in our royal rescript of the 3d March
last, through the responsible ministers to be ap-
pointed by us, and in agreement with the estates
and representatives in Diet assembled. We enter-
tain the hope that the estates and representatives of
our beloved Kingdom of Hungary will receive the
candid statement of these our paternal intentions
with unprejudiced feelings, and will make the points
of view dwelt upon by us the subject of earnest de-
liberation, suitable at the same time to the require-
ments of the day, thereby upon their part accelera-
ting the fulfilment of our most earnest wish, viz.,
the secure introduction of constitutional organization
into our collective realm. The country now stands
upon the threshold of the fulfilment of its wishes.
The sentiments which induced us to place in its
hands the decision as to its own future, to be arrived
at by a correct recognition of its interests are not
changed. We assuredly believe that the conscien-
tious cooperation of the good-will of both parties
will succeed in imparting to that future a basis cal-
culated to harmonize the venerable traditions of the
past with the demands of the present, and thereby
permanently to secure their renewed prosperity.
Given at our capital city of Vienna, this 17th No-
vember, 1866.
FRANCIS JOSEPH.

GEORGE VON MAJLATH.
JOHANN VON BARTOS.

The rescript was not regarded by the Diet as satisfactory. Deak and his party refused to alter the platform, unless a cabinet were appointed to conduct the public business; but they were willing to consider the platform of the fifteen in the committee of the sixty-seven. Tisza and Ghiczy, the leaders of the radical party, on the other hand, wanted to break up the negotiations, and to declare that unless the ministry were nominated, Parliament should suspend any further proceedings, and not transact any business. After an animated five days' debate, the ballot decided for Deak and his followers; they had 226 votes against 107 of the Opposition, thus establishing the fact that the cabinet could reckon upon a majority of two-thirds. Upon this, an address was drawn up by Deak, moderate and statesmanlike in its form, but sufficiently stern in substance, and being, in fact, the ultimatum of the Hungarians. It strongly insists upon the continuity of the rights of the country, and reiterates all the demands of the former two addresses. The text of the address is as follows:

Your Imperial and Royal Majesty: When, at the opening of the present Diet, your majesty solemnly expressed from the throne your zealous wish that we might succeed in happily completing the great work

hour.

of agreement, we, the representatives of the nation, securely hoped that we should be able in a short time to obtain the satisfactory, permanent, and lasting solution of the existing weighty difficulties. We hoped this, because your majesty, in the speech from the throne, had definitively chosen the Pragmatic Sanction as the starting-point and legal basis recognized by both parties. We were convinced that as soon as your majesty desired a permanent and lasting agreement, the legal basis without which every agreement in a constitutional way is impossible, which your majesty had yourself recog nized and selected as a starting-point, would be im mediately and first of all completely restored. But, alas! this hope has not been fulfilled to this present The Pragmatic Sanction, of which the portion guaranteeing the rights and the constitution was suspended by a one-sided decree, is still, de facto, suspended; our constitution is not yet restored, and the condition of continuity of right we have repeatedly requested and urged is not yet fulfilled. Upon what foundation are we, therefore, to build up the work of agreement if the only secure basis is still out of existence? In what way are we to strive for the desired object if that only way which we as representatives of the nation are at liberty to pursue the path of constitutionalism-is still closed against us? In our addresses respectfully submitted to your ma jesty by this Diet we have developed all those important reasons by virtue of which we have rightfully urged the immediate restoration of our constitution. We have stated the necessity of upholding inviolate, and practically carrying on the constituted laws so long as they are not suspended in the way prescribed by law. This is a vital condition of the existence of the state, without which neither the whole nor details in the law are able to find secure support. The recognition of the laws, and the denial of their practical execution, cannot legally subsist side by side. We see with apprehension that the reasons we have brought forward, and our repeated requests, have hitherto been unable to determine your majesty to fulfil that justifiable wish of the nation, the refusal of which is at the same time a refusal of the rights guaranteed by the Pragmatic Sanction. The gracious rescript which your majesty recently deigned to forward to us, in reply to our second address, is, even in the promises and recognition it contains, not able to calm our apprehensions, for we asked the immediate restoration of our constitution, and for full continuity of right, and this request the royal rescript does not fulfil. That which is not detime and conditions, but to postpone or couple with finitively refused therein is made dependent upon conditions to be subsequently fulfilled the maintenance and execution of rightfully existing laws is not only opposed to our constitution, but in contradistinction generally to the first principles of legality and constitutionalism. We ask with respectful homage that your majesty will not render the great work of satisfactory agreement impossible by the postponement of the restoration of our constitution and the establishment of continuity of right. So long as we stand outside the constitution we cannot exercise the constitutional right of legislation. Absolute power upon the one side, and a nation deprived of its constitutional freedom upon the other, will never arrive at a satisfactory, lasting, and permanent agreement. The constitution confers the right upon us, the representatives of the nation, to make an agreement in the interest of the throne and the country with the sovereign-i. e., with the other portion of the legislative power-and without a constitution the exercise of this right rests upon no secure foundation. There are situations in the life of states that cannot long be endured without danger. There are situations which, even without fresh confusion, poison the strength of the state, consume and make it incapable of withstanding strong convulsions, or of long keeping its position after such convulsions have

occurred. Such a situation is that when the internal relations of a state are long shaken and disordered, when the material force of the main body and of individuals is exhausted, when trust and confidence totter. Where are throne and state to find secure support when their own people can no longer serve them as pillars? Such a situation is at any time dangerous, but it is especially dangerous in our time, when unsettled great questions, excited interests and minds threaten the nations of Europe from all quarters with endless complications. Our internal circumstances, indeed those of your majesty's entire monarchy, are also not in so firm and orderly a condition that we are able to look calmly forward with a feeling of full security to those eventualities which external complications and accident which cannot be foreseen may bring upon us. Much, very much, must be done rapidly, and without delay, for the postponement of which there is perhaps no longer time. We trust your majesty will not permit the events that may occur to find us in such a condition. Furnish us with the means and opportunity to complete the pacificatory agreement, and to regulate our own internal affairs in a manner which may preserve our already exhausted material force, and the welfare of the general body and of individuals from ruin, which may even advance and develop them to the limits of possibility, which just, fair, and calming satisfaction of the citizens of all nationalities and every creed in our country may again strengthen the land, and render it an immovable support of the throne of the state. It is above all requisite for the attainment of this object, as we have explained in our previous addresses, that the constitution should be fully restored, and continuity of right should actually come into operation. While, therefore, we beg, and repeatedly urge, that this may be effected, we do this in the interest of our own fatherland, in the interest of your majesty, and of the ruling house, and in that of the whole monarchy. The justification of our demand is based upon the laws and those fundamental treaties which also constitute the foundations of the relations of right reciprocally existing between ourselves and your majesty's dynasty. It is based upon the general principle of constitutionalism, and also upon opportuneness, which is justified by cautious considerations of the present political situation, and of the events that may very possibly We cannot at present enter into negotiation upon that portion of the royal rescript which offers remarks upon the relations arising out of common interests and the draft of the sub-committee of fifteen. Upon the 1st March last we entrusted this matter to a committee, consisting 67 members. This committee nominated from its centre the abovementioned sub-committee, and the result of its labors must, therefore, first be treated by the committee of 67, after which the report of that body will be laid before us. Owing to this circumstance we cannot state our views as to the above-mentioned remarks of the royal rescript until we are in a position to deliberate and resolve upon the entire draft in parliament. We have repeatedly submitted to your majesty our request upon behalf of our fellow-citizens exiled for political causes, and this request unfortunately still remains unfulfilled. We now renew this request, and beg your majesty, with respectful homage, to restore these, our fellow-citizens, to their country and their families. The satisfactory effect of agreement is only to be hoped for by conciliation, and this will be all the easier and more probable, the less grief and bitterness remain in the breast of the citizen. This

occur.

it is that we have considered it our duty to reply in sincere confidence to the gracious rescript recently forwarded to us by your majesty. We firmly adhere in this respect to all we have hitherto submitted, to the restoration of our constitution, and the introduction of continuity and right. Nothing but the fulfilment of these requests can quiet the nation; that alone can render us able to carry out the most sacred

duty awaiting us in the sphere of legislation; that alone can afford us hope for prosperous success of the agreement. For this very reason we are unable to retreat in any point from these our just demands, for our position as representatives, the law, constitutionalism, the interest of the fatherland and of the throne, and our own consciences forbid us to do so in equal measure. May your majesty deign not to refuse the wishes of the nation, not to couple the restoration of our constitution with conditions as to which we should be unable to resolve in the way of legislation without such restoration. May your majesty take into gracious consideration that in the Pragmatic Sanction, the maintenance of the rights and constitution of the nation is reciprocally coupled with the settlement of the succession to the throne, and with no other condition. May your majesty not postpone the execution of our requests, which are demanded not only by right and law, but by the interest of the throne and of fatherland, and are urged likewise by the warning voice of critical times. We have welcomed with joy your majesty's resolution to govern constitutionally throughout your entire monarchy. We see with joy from your majesty's gracious rescript recently forwarded to us that it is your intention to introduce a responsible ministry, a fundamental condition of constitutionalism, also into your other dominions. We are convinced that this is the only way by which your majesty can confirm the security of the throne as well as the power and might of the state, for it is by this means alone that every individual country, while readily defending the state against external dangers, at the same time defends its own constitution, and that the freedom of one country serves as a support to the freedom of another. It is impossible that your majesty, while striving for the attainment of this lofty object, should refuse the complete restoration of that Hungarian constitution which has existed for centuries, and is guaranteed by solemn fundamental treaties; it is impossible that your majesty should not most graciousÎy regard that fundamental principle of state right of which it is the first and most sacred duty of power to maintain inviolate, and to execute rightfully existing laws, so long as they are not suspended in the ordinary way of legislation; it is impossible that, by disregard of this principle, your majesty should not shake the belief and the confidence of your people in the secure future of their constitutional liberties. May your majesty, therefore, first of all restore to the Hungarian nation its constitutional freedom, that being secured in its rights, it may grow strong in unity, increase in material force, and afford your majesty's throne a safe support amid all dangers.

The "Resolution" (Radical) party brought in the draft of another address, but the one proposed by Mr. Deak was adopted by a large majority in both Houses.

As regards the relation of Hungary to her dependencies, the Austrian government urged the latter to send deputies to the Hungarian Diet, leaving, however, the question of reunion an open one. On January 9th a royal rescript prorogued the Transylvanian Diet, and_summoned the Transylvanian deputies to Pesth. The summons was complied with, and on February 22d members and deputies from Transylvania took their seats in both Houses of the Hungarian Diet.

The Croatian Diet did not show the same readiness to comply with the wishes of the Austrian government. On February 23d the emperor, in reply to an address from the Croatian Diet, expressed a wish that the Diet of Croatia should speedily come to an understand

ing with that of Hungary upon the question of union. On March 8th the Diet adopted the following resolution :

Resolved, That the Diet, while regretting that the emperor does not wish that Croatia should continue to maintain her separate administration, resolves to send a deputation of twelve of its members to the Hungarian Diet at Pesth, which will then represent Hungary, Croatia, and Transylvania, and will settle all questions common to them and the other Austrian provinces.

On March 11th the deputation was elected. On their arrival at Pesth, the Hungarian Diet appointed a committee to confer with them. The negotiations lasted until June 18th, when the deputation returned to Agram. The joint committee agreed upon a basis of union according to which Croatia is to maintain her autonomy, but to form, in questions relative to the

ILLINOIS. Such is the growth of this State, that in a few years, by judicious taxation, it will be free from debt. In 1860, with the exception of a few bonds, the debt amounted to $10,277,161, and in 1861 it was increased by the issue of bonds, principally for war purposes, to $12,574,171. It has been reduced by subsequent payments, until, on December 1, 1866, it amounted to $8,638,252. The principal source of revenue to the State, apart from taxation, is the Central Railroad, seven per cent. of the gross earnings of which are paid into the State treasury, to be applied to the interest-paying portion of the State debt. The amount received in 1865 was $496,489; do. in 1866, $427,075; total, $923,565.

The total taxable property in the State, as assessed in the year 1864, was $359,878,837; do. in 1865, $392,327,906. The amount of revenue tax received into the treasury from these assessments was, in 1865-'66, $645,317. By the transfer of the war fund to the revenue fund, amounting to $465,476, the aggregate receipts for the two last years, with those from miscellaneous sources, amount to $1,351,789. The expenditures for ordinary and special purposes, during the same period, amount to $1,290,858, leaving a balance, on December 1, 1866, of $66,523, which, deducted from the receipts from extraordinary sources, show that a deficit of $533,383 would have existed without such receipts. The estimate of the receipts from ordinary sources for the two years, ending December 1, 1867, amount to $800,000, and the expenditures for the same time to $950,000, without regard to special appropriations of the Legislature. Nevertheless it is believed that the present rate of taxation of twelve cents on the hundred dollars, under a fair valuation, in which all the property of the State should be made to pay taxes, would yield sufficient to meet all prudent demands.

other provinces of the empire, one common body with Hungary. On the reopening of the Croatian Diet in November, a report of the nego tions was laid before it. On December 18th the Diet agreed to the proposals contained in the draft of the address that the autonomy and separate administration of Hungary, Croatia, and Transylvania, ought to remain the unchangeable basis of the constitution of those provinces; that Croatia is under no obligation to send representatives to the Hungarian Diet, and that she has a right to treat independently with the emperor respecting the future constitutional position.

In March the Croatian Diet had adopted a resolution proposing that freedom of worship be accorded to the Protestants of Croatia and Slavonia.

The entire taxable property of the State, for 1864, was returned at $356,878,837, and for 1865 at $392,327,906. The census of the United States in 1860, which did not include all the taxable property, shows the value of real estate and personal property at that time to have been $904,182,020. The Governor says: "It is confidently believed the real wealth of the State, at the present time, is not less than $1,200,000,000. The unequal method of assessment has resulted in great inequality and injustice to tax-payers. Taxes on the same kind of property vary twenty-five, fifty, and one hundred per cent. in different counties."

in

According to the census taken in the State in 1865, the number of manufacturing establish ments is 3,500, and by the Federal census, 1860, it was 3,268. While the value of the product for those of 1860 amounted to $57,586,886, the value of the products of manufac ture in 1865 was $63,356,013. Whole value of live stock in the State in 1860 was $70,000,000; in 1865, $123,770,554. Value of agricultural products of 1865 amounted to $83,280,848. Number of coal mines in 1865, 380; product of the same for 1865, $1,078,495 tons. Total popu lation of the State in 1860, 1,711,951. Population of the State in 1865: White males...

White females...

Colored males. Colored females

Aggregate population in 1865..

1,093.111 1,038,059

2,124,170

9.112 8,228

17,840

2,141,510

The increase of population advances the number of members in the assembly of the Legislature from eighty-five to ninety.

The number of common schools of the State, scholars, etc., as reported by the superintendent of public instruction, on September 30, 1866, was as follows:

17,279

Of the total number of school districts in the State (9,938), schools have been maintained for six months or more in 9,176.

The following is a statement of the revenue received and disbursed for the school-year ending September 30, 1866:

750,000

861.397 66,802 2,789,335 405,972 $4,445,180

$2,531,036

65 987 830,889

13,779

18,752

216,366

62.982

10.969

4,106 812,829 85.822

206,119

$4,859,238

Every department of the State Normal School is full, and large numbers qualified for teaching annually graduate.

concern.

The charitable institutions of the State, located at Jacksonville, have been liberally supported, and continued in successful operation. The number of the incurable insane is so large and increasing, that it has become a matter of public A school for idiots was authorized in February, 1865, which has been commenced and conducted thus far in a manner to produce most beneficial and important results. Twentyfive pupils are under instruction, and applications for a large number of others have been received. An Eye and Ear Infirmary has been in operation at Chicago for nine years. Five hundred and fifteen patients received treatment during the year. Being an incorporated institution, it is proposed that the State shall make provision in it for the indigent curable blind. A Soldiers' Home, at Chicago, supported by voluntary subscriptions, contains about one hundred persons. No progress has yet been made in the organization of an agricultural college. The -hare of the state in the appropriation by Congress for that purpose amounts to 480,000 A geological survey of the State has been completed in thirty counties. It is estimated that, with an annual appropriation of $10,000, the work can be completed in two years. The number of convicts in the State

acres.

On August 8th, a Republican State Convention assembled at Springfield to nominate candidates for members of Congress at large, State treasurer, and superintendent of public instruction. The following resolutions, expressive of the views of the convention on the questions before the country, were adopted:

Resolved, That in the great Union party of the nation, whose counsels safely guided the country through the rebellion, and whose arms conquered and subdued it, we recognize the party whose principles alone can be relied upon and adhered to with safety in the reconstruction of the State governments of the rebellious States.

Resolved, That we cordially endorse the policy of the Congress of the United States with reference to the restoration of the State governments destroyed by the rebellion; that we fully approve of the amendment to the Constitution of the United States adopted by Congress, and submitted for ratification to the people.

Resolved, That under the Constitution, which provides for a qualified veto upon the legislation of Congress by the President, when that body has enacted laws by the constitutional majority of two-thirds over the Presidential negative, the President himself, as well as the people, should bow to their decision, as attempt on his part to oppose the faithful execution that of the highest power in the nation; and that any of such laws and to substantiate in lieu thereof his own will, is an unwarrantable usurpation and dangerous to the liberties of the people.

Resolved, That Congress, without the cooperation of the President, has the sole power of proposing amendments to the national Constitution; that, as the people's representatives, it is the only standard of the national will, and that in the present disturbed condition of the Southern States in their relations to

the General Government, we recognize Congress as the supreme power, and will sustain its action in all just and patriotic modes in behalf of the Constitutional Amendment now submitted to the States.

Resolved, That it should be a recognized maxim in political science, to give the friends and defenders of enemies and assailants should be accorded only such a government its direction and control; that to its privileges as can be intrusted them without danger to the Republic.

Resolved, That we regard the Congressional test. oath as one of the great bulwarks of union and liberty, and that we are unalterably opposed to any change or abridgment thereof.

Resolved, That our sympathies as a party go out in

favor of the struggle of liberty-loving people for freedom, believing that we should accord to others all that we claim for ourselves.

Resolved, That in common with, and as part of the great Union party of the nation, we hereby tender to the soldiers and sailors of our country, our most unfeigned and heartfelt thanks for achievements and triumphs that will ever immortalize them and the nation whose government they saved; and we trust the time may never come when the people will cease to hold in grateful remembrance, or fail to reward the preservers of the Union.

Resolved, That the recent massacre by reconstructed and pardoned rebels of loyal men in New Orleans, is the legitimate result of the policy of President Johnson, and we hold him responsible for the murders on that occasion of loyal white and black men, whose only offence was their loyalty to the country. Resolved, That we are in favor of that kind of legislation which shall tend to alleviate the hardships, shorten the hours of labor, and improve the condition of the laboring classes.

Resolved, That this convention fully approves the proposed action of Congress in the modification of the neutrality laws of the United States, and that we deeply sympathize with our Irish fellow-citizens in their love of their native land, and that we will rejoice with them on the redemption of Ireland from British misrule and wrongs, and that they shall have our countenance and support in all lawful means employed to accomplish that end.

The following preamble and resolution were adopted by a silent standing vote of the Convention :

Whereas, since the assembling of the last Illinois State Convention, the favorite son of Illinois, Abraham Lincoln, then President, has been stricken down by the hand of an assassin, the nation left to mourn the loss of its Chief Magistrate, and the foremost man in the cause of fredom and the Union; therefore,

Resolved, That this Convention, standing in the immediate neighborhood of the great martyr's bones, reverently, in honor of the illustrious dead, the memory of whom lies enthroned among all the virtues which adorn a man, solemnly pledge anew our devotion to the great principies for which he was slain.

Subsequently, on the 29th of the same month,

a Democratic convention assembled at the same place, also to nominate candidates for the same offices. The resolutions adopted as expressive

of their views were as follows:

Resolved, That the claims of the laboring men for a reduction of the time of labor, so far as that subject lies within the scope of legislation, should merit the attention and favorable consideration of our legislative bodies, as well as of the executive departments. Resolved, That the revenues of the government should be derived by equal taxation upon property in proportion to its value, and that no species of property not used for religious or educational pur poses, and no class of persons, should be exempt from their just share of the public burdens, or receive special favors and privileges, to the injury and impoverishment of the community at large.

Resolved, That the legal tender notes of the United States are a cheaper, safer and better currency than the bills of the so-called national banks, and should be substituted therefor as soon as it can be done without injustice or injury.

Resolved, That any and all attempts of any European power to impose on any portion of the inhabitants of this continent a form of government, or rulers, to which they do not freely consent, should be condemned and opposed.

Resolved, That the sympathies of the democrats and conservatives of Illinois are with the people of

Ireland, and with the oppressed of every other nationality, and we hope that at an early day they may obtain redress of their grievances, and the recogni tion and protection of their rights. The democratic party points with pride and satisfaction to its record in the past, which shows that it has always sustained the constitutional rights of adopted citizens against all organized opposition to those rights.

The Democrats and other conservative Union men of the State of Illinois, in convention assembled, approved and renewed the declaration of principles made by the National Union Convention at Philadelphia on the 14th day of August, 1866.

The election in the State for members of Congress, Treasurer, and Superintendent of Schools, and members of the Legislature, took place on November 6th. John A. Logan, Republican candidate for ConThe vote given for General gressman at large, was 203,045; for Colonel T. L. Dickey, the Democratic candidate, 147,058; majority for Logan, 55,987. Of the thirteen members chosen by districts, the Republi cans elected all except in the 10th, 11th, and 12th districts. The Legislature chosen was divided as follows:

The general prosperity which prevailed throughout the State during the year, was most strikingly apparent at Chicago, its principal city. The number of buildings erected in the city was carefully estimated at 9,000, of which there were eleven churches, and seven school-houses. A tunnel was commenced to afford a passage under the Chicago river, while the one under Lake Michigan to procure fresh water was completed. As constructed, it is calculated to deliver under a head of two feet, 19,000,000 gallons of water daily, and under a head of eight feet, 38,000,000 gallons daily; gallons daily. The velocities for the above and under a head of eighteen feet, 57,000,000 quantities will be one and four-tenth miles per hour, head being two feet; head being eight feet, the velocity will be two and three-tenths miles per hour, and the head being eighteen feet, the velocity will be four and two-tenths miles per hour.

INDIA, BRITISH,* a dependency of Great Britain in Asia. Area, about 933,722 square miles. The population is variously estimated at from 135,000,000 to 200,000,000. The Eng lish population amounts to only 125,945, of whom 84,083 are connected with the army. The actual strength of the army was on April, 30, 1862, 78,174 Europeans, 125,913 natives; total, 204,087.

The year began and closed with a famine in a form more terrible than India has ever seen. It manifested itself so early as October, 1865. From the first week of January the East India

* For a full account of the Government of British India, see ANNUAL CYCLOPÆDIA for 1965.