who have waived their constitutional rights of due process in order to place themselves in the understanding hands of a rehabilitating agency.

Our Urban League Youth Community Program, which is operating in 48 of our 82 affiliate cities has taught us that aberrant or delinquent behavior, particularly among low-income minority youth, is often based on having no meaningful role in legitimate society. Our League tutorial projects in Akron, Pittsburgh, Cleve land, Chicago, New York, Washington and elsewhere have shown that one way to rescue under-achievers, delinquents, and even drop-outs is to seek the help of community agencies and resources in working with troubled youth. Our Human Resources Program, aimed at jobless drop-outs, has given us great insight in dealing with the problem of youth in the inner city. This program is now in operation in Chicago and will soon be operational in 23 other cities.

Another thing we have learned in the League is that bringing youth into a friendly constitutional relationship with the police and other symbols of authority can have a positive impact on delinquency.

These and other experiences have shown us that many delinquents and mar ginal delinquents can be worked with in the community without undue danger to society and that behavior of large numbers of delinquent youth can be changed without having to subject either them or the state to the costly and negative con sequences of confinement.

In the last analysis, the most promising and therefore the most important method of dealing with crime is by preventing it-by ameliorating the conditions of life that drive young people to commit crimes and that undermine the restraining rules and institutions erected by society against anti-social conduct. We doubt that even a vastly-improved criminal justice system can substantially re duce crime if society fails to make it possible for each of its citizens to feel a personal stake in it-in the good life that it can provide, and in the law and order that are prerequisite to such a life. That sense of stake, of something that can be gained or lost, can come only through real opportunity for full participation in society's life and growth. It is insuring opportunity that is the basic goal of prevention programs.

Our system of justice holds both juveniles and adults who violate the law responsible for their misconduct and imposes sanctions on them accordingly, eventhough the level of responsibility may be lower for juveniles than for adults. Society thereby obligates itself to equip juveniles with the means-the educational and social and cultural background, the personal and economic security—to understand and accept responsibility.

Clearly, it is with young people that prevention efforts are most needed, and hold the greatest promise. It is simply more critical that young people be kept from crime, for they are the Nation's future, and their conduct will affect society for a long time to come. They are not set in their ways; they are still deve oping, still subject to the influence of the socializing institutions that structure their environment.

That influence, to do the most good, must come before the youth has become involved in the formal criminal justice system.

Once a juvenile is apprehended by the police and referred to the Juvenile Court. the community has already failed. Subsequent rehabilitation services, no matter how skilled, have far less potential for success than if they had been applied be fore the youth's overt defiance of the law.

Often, when a youth gets into trouble, the juvenile judge has no place to tura for the treatment that he should be guaranteeing to the youth in his charge Deserted children and others who require psychiatric help are lumped together with hard-core delinquents. There never seems to be enough money for the facilities or enough trained people to help them. Those jurisdictions that simply have no place to treat juveniles are at an even greater disadvantage. Youths are either released to their parents or the judge waives his guardianship and passes the youth along to an adult court. Last year, nearly six hundred thousand youths appeared before juvenile courts, and one hundred thousand of them are now serving time in adult prisons. Many of them will be in and out of jails for the rest of their lives.

The past several years have seen unprecedented recognition of the gravity of those conditions and commitment of resources to their amelioration. But if w fail to devote, in the future, even more money and people and energy and concert to the problems of our inner cities, we must be willing to pay the price- price already too high and steadily mounting.

Increased crime is only part of that price. The importance of adjusting social conditions in order to prevent crime is not to be minimized. Each day additional law-abiding citizens turn their backs on the city for fear of personal safety. As they leave, the city changes, the quality of city life deteriorates, and the crime problem worsens. People are hurt because they are forced to limit their activities out of apprehensiveness, and fear of noncompensable injuries to their person and property-and the circle continues unbroken.

We are all concerned with the effort to break that circle. Time has been much too short. The experience of dedicated educators, social scientists, community workers, and program planners struggling with these discouragingly complex and intractable concerns has produced no satisfactory formula for change.

What we must understand is that before this Nation can hope in reduce crime significantly or lastingly, it must mount and maintains a massive attack against the conditions of life that underlie it.

Professor Theophil Spoerri, a prominent Swiss psychologist, said, "The decisive adventure of every man is to find his form. In the depth of every man's being, there waits something which presses for realization. Man is not a finished reality, but a reality always in process of being realized. Under the vision of an alluring goal, the outer world is transformed by an inner movement of the being in the level of expectation. The vision enkinders desire. Inward desire becomes the inner driving force to achieve the goal. The body becomes the instrument. Thus form becomes a station on the way to realization."

I need not camouflage my meaning-the development of resources for the young people of our Nation is necessary for the pursuit of authentic goals. Mr. Chairman, that concludes my testimony. I thank you.

Mr. PUCINSKI. I wonder if we might obtain from you some of the highlights of that statement.

Mr. Haskins is deputy director of the Washington National Urban League. I am delighted to have you here. I know the inspiring record of the Urban League in trying to promote programs throughout the country in dealing with this very important problem of juvenile crime. You have made a tremendous contribution. Your organization certainly has the respect, I believe, of all Americans because of your tireless efforts in this field.

We are privileged to have you here this afternoon.

Mr. HASKINS. Thank you. I am particularly happy to have this opportunity myself to be here. I think our young people are now in the midst of such basic social changes that it is appropriate to use the term "revolution." These social changes are affecting the entire fabric of our society and will increasingly affect all aspects of our democratic system.

First, we live in a rapidly developing, complex, urban and industrial society which requires that functioning members be highly literate, responsive to rapid changes in every area of life and work, and able to learn and relearn complex ideas and skills as minimal conditions for economic security, social maturity, and independence.

Second, we are witnessing rising levels of aspirations of individuals and groups that have been long submerged or placed in marginal positions. These aspirations are for a larger share in the affluence of society, and for opportunities which will make this possible. Underlying this is the insistence on personal dignity and freedom and a search for a new sense of identity.

Third, we face increasing responsiveness of Government to the needs and pressures of individuals as well as subgroups in the population. Social ills that might have gone unchecked for many decades can now be made central in the concerns of Government and the courts.

Fourth, there is a rising level of affluence which makes further material goals for many individuals somewhat subordinate to other goals such as security and interpersonal relations. There is an increas ing quest for personal dignity and a set of values which make life more meaningful.

All of us are engaged in a continuing struggle to understand and to adapt to change. Adolescence has always been a period of change and adaptation, but the moorings on which young people have usually depended or against which they have tested themselves have grown increasingly shaky.

The rapid change they perceive in the world around them makes them doubt the usefulness of patterning themselves after their parents in preparing for the unknown world of tomorrow.

Youths are beginning to look more to each other for signals than to adults. They share many significant values with the adult world, but they also have some values which set their world apart.

Among nearly all youth this is evident in similarities of dress, language, and style, but it is sometimes expressed more seriously in antisocial gang behavior in the streets of Harlem or Watts.

In recent years, the number of delinquency arrests has increased sharply in the United States, as it has in several western European countries. According to the report by the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, between 1960 and 1965 arrests of persons under 18 and over for these offenses rose only 20 percent. This is explained in part by the disproporationate increase in the population under 18 and, in particular, the crime-prone part of that population-the 11- to 17-year-old group.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Haskins, I was wondering if at this point-and I notice you discuss it later on, the Supreme Court decision, the Gault case-but perhaps the enormity of today's decision can be emphasized by the figures you have presented here. You recall that the largest, single-age group of people involved in some act involving legal action in this country is the 15-year-old group?

Mr. HASKINS. The 15-year-old group; yes.

Mr. PUCINSKI. And so the questions that the Supreme Court deci sion has raised has opened up a whole Pandora's box of problems. but I have a feeling these problems will be resolved more effectively with today's decision.

Mr. HASKINS. We were not notified until recently about the decision We did include it in our testimony because we were familiar with the Gault case, because it had implications on what we are considering today.

If we can set up the machinery to deal with these decisions, we would be in a much better position.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Would you agree with me that this decision is going to stop local communities from giving lipservice to the dealing wit the problem of juvenile crime in this country?

Your own figures show that in a 5-year period the arrest of persons under 18 years of age jumped 52 percent. I said earlier today that not only is the number going up, but the violence of crime is increasing among young people. You certainly backed that up with your state ment today when you showed the 52 percent figure is for willfu

- homicide, rape, robbery, aggrieved assault, larceny, burglary, and motor vehicle theft.

These figures to me indicate the fact that the Supreme Court decision was really necessary and needed at this time, for obviously for 5 years not much has been done to in any way to arrest this constantly increasing number of crimes among young people.

Mr. HASKINS. If the decision is carried out to the letter of the law I think we can expect some adjustments to be made in almost every State in the country in terms of facilities, and so forth.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Would you think that I would be correct in stating that this decision today will probably have as wide an effect on every community in America as the 1954 school decision?

Mr. HASKINS. We are in agreement. It has far-reaching implications, and dramatic implications.

Mr. PUCINSKI. You notice this is the quorum call that just rangthis is the danger of having afternoon sessions.

This full statement is in the record, as you know.

We are happy to have had you here as a witness, with your wealth of experience in dealing with the problems of our cities.

There is a general notion among many Americans that most juvenile crime is committed in the poorer areas of America and the poorer communities are not too concerned about crime. It has been my observation that the opposite is correct.

It is true that a great deal of crime has been committed in poor areas, but it is the people in these areas who are the most concerned, because they are so often the victims of this crime. So it seems to me that it is a cruel distortion of the facts that people accept crime in these communities when actually they want to do something, and they often know what to do.

They have not had the resources, and we are hoping that this bill is going to be able to create the resources.

Would that be a fair statement?

Mr. HASKINS. I think so. I think there is definitely a correlation of the problems of the inner city, and I am talking about the health and welfare problems, the housing problems, the inability to find jobs, have something definite to do with the whole problem of juvenile delinquency.

I think in too many of our teaming ghettos in the inner cities, we have too many youngsters walking around not being able to get jobs, dropping out of school because it may be that the school system itself may be discouraged with some of the problems of the inner city, concerning the teacher problem, the problem of communications in the school system, the problem of communications in the city.

It may be the school system itself is encouraging younsters to drop

out.

These problems are magnified many times in the inner city where all your more concrete problems are occurring.

I think, as we can see urban renewal operating, as we can see some of the new innovative programs that HEW has, and also the Department of Labor, they are all concentrated on the inner city, but it also means that people in the inner city are sometimes moved about, and many times we are experiencing problems in this moving about in

the inner city, and we are getting more problems relating to crime. and delinquency, because these people have nowhere to go, they cannot find jobs, and there certainly is a correlation between the problems you discussed and the problems in the inner city of crime.

Mr. PUCINSKI. In your statement on page 7, you say:

A favorable ruling would also mean that no community in America will be spared the great problems of trying to provide adequate facilities for juveniles who have waived their Constitutional rights of due process in order to place themselves in the understanding hands of a rehabilitating agency.

Now, it is my intention in view of the decision handed down this morning, to ask the President if he would consider quadrupling the authorization for the first year. As you know, the President has suggested $25 million for the first year of this bill. But, in view of the statement you have made here and in view of the statement made by the others who are equally expert in this field, I would feel that the President would want to help local communities set up crash programs to deal with problem of dealing with this decision.

Otherwise, there is going to be, in my judgment, a great deal of chaos, confusion in the various communities of America.

Would you agree that perhaps the President would be wise in reconsidering the modest request, to find the money, cut some other expenditure if necessary, but go to $100 million the first year instead of the $25 million originally suggested?

Mr. HASKINS. We had thoughts on the original appropriation of $25 million, and we didn't think at that time that it was hardly enough, and especially as a result of the Supreme Court decision it doesn't seem hardly appropriate that the amount of money allocated would even begin to do the job.

We could talk about 10 of our larger cities in the country, and you could spread out $25 million in those cities and really not begin to touch the problem.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Haskins, the Secretary, when he was here, and other people have testified that the only reason they only asked for $25 million the first year-as you know, the total bill on this would be more than $450 million over a 5-year period-the only reason they asked for a modest amount the first year is they claim the local communities would not be able to absorb a great deal more in the first year.

I think that with the prodding they got today from the Supreme Court, they had darned well better be ready to absorb more, and they had also better be prepared to bring in some of their own resources.

But on the basis of your experience, do you think that the local communities do have the know-how, do have a program they could put into action if they had the wherewithal, the financial wherewitha!! Mr. HASKINS. This is a very difficult question to answer.

I think we are going to see some real action here this summer. I am sure that somebody else has probably alluded to the long, hot summer. but I think even the long, hot summer is going to have some implications on what we are discussing here today.

I think that some cities are equipped to handle the problem, and these are more or less the progressive cities in our country, but in far too many cases, the people in seats of power in cities really don't have the kind of understanding and the kind of expertise in dealing with some of the problems in the inner city.