The difference between the French and the English is explained by the assumption that the English have much curiosity, little gregariousness, and are introverts. The French have little curiosity, much gregariousness, and are extroverts. On page 84, The Nordic peoples are asserted to have peopled North America and Australia, and the men of the Nordic race are described on page 81 as being taciturn, "taking part in social gatherings only with difficulty and hesitation, content to live alone in the seculsion of the family circle, emerging from it only in response to the call of duty of ambition or war." At least one book has been written in refutation of this statement. It is published in Washington every ten years by the Census bureau. The difference between the negro and the American is also explained as due to differences in instincts. The negro has the submissive impulse very strong. It may be remarked that a survey of the negro press would fail to reveal any marked expression of this instinct. The Jewish race is different from other races, and McDougall is inclined to think that the Freudian theory is true for them. One good result of the war is that we have broken away from the thralldom of theories of German professors to which the scientific world submitted before. Weissman's theory may not be true, but Professor McDougall has started an experiment which "should eventually give a definite answer to the problem." It is to be hoped that a war with England does not too soon emancipate us from the thralldom to theories of English professors. In the final chapter, it is contended that owing to the effect of the social ladder, gifted people from the lower classes are constantly climbing into the upper classes, where they refuse to breed or so limit the family as to create an alarming scarcity of talent. "Our civilization by reason of its increasing complexity is making constantly increasing demands upon the qualities of its bearers; the qualities of those bearers are diminishing or deteriorating, rather than improving." There are six appendices, the first of which is very remarkable. It consists of three portraits, Abraham Lincoln, a Borneo Chief, and an Ila-speaking African. Over each picture there is printed, without quotation marks, "All Men Are Created Equal." The effort is doubtless to interpret the Declaration of Independence and not to sneer at it; but the whole procedure is of questionable taste and hardly fair. The picture of the African is indeed repulsive, but in the book from which it is taken there are other pictures of types which might have been chosen if the author had really tried to be fair. The third appendix suggests a solution of the difficulty, which consists in a state bonus of $200 a year for each child in families whose income is $2,000, and so on, in proportion. If the income is below this figure, the stock is inferior and should not be encouraged. It is interesting to wonder whether the instincts of other races or classes might not be changed by financial subsidy. The book will add nothing to Professor McDougall's reputation. It is sensational, not only in its title, but also in its treatment. It was written too soon after the war for him to be fair to the Germans or just to others. Had Professor McDougall kept in mind the influence of passion on reason, it would have been far better for the good name of psychology. He has no apparent use for sociology; but if this book be psychology, it can offer little if anything to students of social science. ELLSWORTH FARIS UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Primitive Society. By ROBERT H. LOWIE, New York: Boni & Liveright, 1920. Pp. vii+461. $3.00. The sociologist who recovers from his first disappointment will find this work interesting and valuable. His disappointment will be due to the limitation which the author has set for himself in the omission of so many topics which the title would lead one to expect, and in which ethnologists as well as sociologists are commonly interested. No discussion of religion appears, nor magic, mythology, or folklore. One looks in vain for a treatment of art or morals or ceremonies. Nothing save in the most incidental fashion is said about music or language; and, in general, psychological questions are left alone. Had the book been called Primitive Social Organization it would have been more accurately named, for the author declares his purpose in the introduction so to limit himself. The topics treated include "Marriage," "Family," "Property," "Rank," "Justice," and the various forms of kinship, fraternal, social, and political groupings. The point of departure is taken in a criticism of Morgan's Ancient Society and the revisions are conclusively made out. In forty-three years so much has been done that it seems hardly worth while spending so much time noticing the arguments which are now no longer put forth. Nevertheless, it is good to have the current views placed in contrast with the older ones. The technique adopted is too often the discussion of the theories of opposing men, but this is in accordance with the tradition of our academic tribe. Sociologists in particular cannot come with clean hands, for with us too often science is the opinions of professors. The two main conclusions presented in the summarizing chapter are concerned with the multiplicity of social relations, and with a polemic against the unilateral theory of social evolution. And both in the summary and in the body of the work the thesis is well maintained. The method is objective though psychological explanations tempt him, as when he declares the horror of incestuous marriages with sisters to be instinctive. The author is on the staff of the American Museum of Natural History and has investigated personally some of the plains Indians, particularly the Crows. It is quite natural that much of the illustrative material should be taken from that field. About half of the references are from American writers, but one notices some regrettable omissions. Thomas is not mentioned, nor Dewey, nor Mead, nor Herbert Spenser. In view of the inclusion of Andrew Lang, one finds the omission of Westermarck quite inexplicable. The same can be said of the inclusion of Hobhouse while the work of Steinmetz is left unnoticed. Why should Freud be quoted and Wundt not even mentioned? The sociologist's feeling in reading the book is perhaps to be accounted for by the lack of reference to the authorities with which the author is apparently not familiar. But the book is interesting and valuable and the reviewer has found it a useful reference in the course on social origins. ELLSWORTH FARIS UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Source Book in Anthropology. By A. L. KROEBER AND T. T. WATERMAN. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1920. Pp. 565. This excellent volume will place under a debt of gratitude those teachers of sociology who are giving courses in social origins. While the volume is quite manageable, it has more than half the number of pages of Thomas' source book, which it is admirably adapted to supplement. The Preface contains the statement that nothing is included which is available in the source book of Thomas. The selections cover a very wide range, beginning with twelve pages from Herodotus, following by a section from Lucretius, and proceeding in an orderly manner to give the student some first-hand source material on geology, biology, inheritance, and the origin and structure of primitive culture. The last four readings give the creation account respectively of the "Maori of New Zealand," the "Maidu of California," the "Tlingit Indians of Alaska," and the "Ancient Hebrews." There are fifty-four selections in all, and the material is made all the more interesting by the use of illustrations which are well selected. There is a bibliography which gives a carefully chosen annotated list of the best books. This bibliography is classified in two sections, these latter being divided into twenty-four heads. The general reader will find the book interesting. UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ELLSWORTH FARIS Sociology, Its Development and Applications. By JAMES QUAYLE DEALEY, PH.D. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1920. Pp. xv+547. $3.00. This work, embracing about 40 per cent more material than Professor Dealey's earlier and briefer text, has preserved the same lucid style and wholesome treatment which characterized its forerunner. The additional material consists to a considerable extent of an account of the development of sociological theory, and of the relations of the science to other cognate divisions of knowledge. The teacher of sociology and the general reader alike will find here a book of good faith, ministering to an informed enthusiasm for social progress, and emphasizing the moral values implicit in the social process. The social goals toward which selfconscious and enlightened community life should shape its course are central themes, particularly in Part III, which deals with "Social Progress." In the application of these humane principles to the solution of our vexing economic problems, there are a few passages not wholly compatible with the principal thesis of the work: For example, it is nowhere made clear that the present direction of economic production in its larger aspects by an irresponsible financial higher command, is in essence inconsistent both with democracy and with the social telecism which we are told should govern our institutions. Proposals, as on page 457, to tax, regulate, and "check" capital, are, it would appear, merely negative and palliative in their nature, and do not assure the affirmative prosecution of a genuinely social policy of industrial administration. To approach that goal, the public interest in industry must be made paramount and the earning of profits be relegated to an incidental position. On pages 466-67 we read that among the questions in which "the public as a whole is not interested" is that of "unions or no unions"; it is interested, however, "in a just division of the benefits." It is difficult to see how the government in its rôle of "umpire" can pass upon questions of distributive justice unless the workers have representatives of their own choosing through whom their claims may be presented. Labor surely must have its own spokesmen and present its own case, and to this end a union of some sort is indispensable. In general, the forward-looking temper of the book is indicated by such passages as the following: Our chief social institutions . . . . should shape dynamic, telic points of view. Admittedly they are conserving institutions, and sometimes with distressing tenacity they hold too long to obsolete rules and systems of organization and to customary, sanctioned methods of functioning. If these institutions were developed, as they were, by comparatively unintelligent generations of former human beings, does it not seem possible that more intelligent, later generations may be able to effect improvements? ERVILLE BARTLETT WOODS DARTMOUTH COLLEGE The History and Practice of Psychoanalysis. By PAUL BJERRE (Barrow, tr.). Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1920. The title of this book is deceptive. It is neither a history of psychoanalysis nor a representative statement of its technique. It does present in an interesting manner the author's interpretation of the development of modern psychotherapy, starting with Kant. Considerable space is given to the Freudian movement, a distinction being made between the method and the theory of psychoanalysis. Adler's doctrine concerning the neurosis receives, as compared with Freud's, a more sympathetic and adequate treatment. One chapter of the book presents a case-history for the purpose of showing how the author "was successful in dissolving analytically a strongly constituted system of persecution of ten years' standing." The analysis given the patient |