re-registration of electors. It does not show the actual extent of shifting of population within any particular spot. Failure to re-register is not definite proof that the elector has migrated from

the confines of his precinct. He may merely have omitted to perform this privilege of citizenship. On the other hand, movements of non-citizens are not recorded in this study. But, despite

these limitations, I believe the method here employed furnishes an approximately true picture of the comparative population movements of different sections of the city.

It is quite evident from this map that the down-town section, including the main business area and its immediately surrounding territory, is by far the most mobile part of the city. But this is to be expected, considering the nature of this section. As we have already seen, most of the people living near the business center are of the boarding-house and cheap hotel class. The more stable parts of the city are to be found, for the most part, in the better residential districts, in the eastern, northern, and western extremities of the city. The large German neighborhood, lying immediately south of the main business section, practically all falls in the class of highest stability, while the industrial area, located farther south in Ward 1, comprises one of the most mobile sections of Columbus.

The correlation between stability and economic status is quite interesting. For ocular demonstration of this relationship the reader should compare Map III, page 163, with Map II, page 153. It must be borne in mind, however, that Map III is constructed on the basis of a small unit, the precinct, while Map II is based on the ward as the unit. Now taking the ward averages for stability and comparing them with the ward averages for economic status we get the result shown in Table I.

This table shows, in general, that stability varies directly with economic status. For example, Ward 9, which has the lowest economic status of all the wards in the city, has also the lowest re-registration of electors, which means the lowest stability. Likewise, Wards 8 and 12, which are considerably below the average in economic status, are also below the average in stability. On the other hand, Wards 4, 5, and 16 fall considerably above the average in stability, and rank high in economic status. Wards 2 and 3 appear to be exceptions; they have high stability and low economic status. But as we have already seen these wards contain the large stable German neighborhood, the residents of which, while home owners and relatively prosperous, maintain a lower standard of living than the average American of similar economic status.

Let us now examine the relation between mobility, dependency, and juvenile delinquency. The two spot maps (IV and V) facing page 166 show the geographical distribution of the official cases of dependency and juvenile delinquency for a one-year period, May, 1918, to May, 1919. As might be expected the majority of the dependency cases are segregated in the low economic areas surrounding the central business district. The colored cases form conspicuous groups near the railroad tracks and the river, also in the eastern part of the city near Franklin Park.

The most striking feature concerning the geographical distribution of juvenile delinquency is the rather even dispersion of cases throughout the entire city. Single streets or individual family groups rather than neighborhoods seem to form the nuclei for wayward children. There is, apparently, but slight correlation between the segregation of dependency and that of delinquency. Table II gives more exact presentation of the facts recorded in Maps IV

and V.

It will be observed that Wards 8, 9, and 12, which comprise the central part of the city, and which rank highest in mobility, also rank high in extent of both dependency and delinquency; while

Wards 4, 5, 15, and 16 rank high in stability and have relatively little dependency or delinquency. However, the relation between mobility and dependency is much more conspicuous than the relation between mobility and delinquency. For example, Wards 13 and 14 have almost average stability but rank highest for the whole city in their percentages of juvenile delinquency. These two wards

TABLE II

WARD VARIATIONS IN STABILITY, DEPENDENCY, AND JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

* The number of registered electors furnishes our only clue to the ward populations of the city, as the ward boundaries have been modified since the 1910 census was taken.

†The term "stability" implies here, as formerly, the percentage of the 1917 electors who re-registered in the same precincts in 1918.

The cases of dependency and delinquency here recorded are known in the organizations concerned "official cases," that is, they are the more permanent and serious cases with which the organizations have to deal.

as

happen to include industrial areas and have comparatively large colored and immigrant populations.

While our method of measuring mobility does not indicate whether the movements of families are from one community to another or from one neighborhood to another within the community, still a few sample cases seem to show the latter type of movement predominates. For instance, in Ward 9, out of the total 743