poverty. This is true, for example, with respect to the sixth ward, the eastern end of which contains some of the most luxuriant homes in the city, while the western corner represents a brokendown colored section. But, on the whole, the classification of

wards, as determined by this form of measurement, corresponds almost precisely with the common-sense rating as based on general observation. The foregoing map (Map II) indicates the results of this study.

The first impression gained from an examination of this map will be the striking difference in economic status of the various wards in the city. Wards 4 and 5 with their economic status of $202 and $219 respectively, stand in bold contrast to Wards 9 and 10 whose per elector status is less than one quarter as great. The latter wards, as may be seen by Map III (p. 163) are also the most mobile sections of the city. Wards 15 and 16 comprise the university district and represent the middle class type of home. The relatively low rating of Ward II is due to the presence of a large negro colony located near its southern border, also to a disintegrated neighborhood lying north of the State Hospital for the Insane. On the other hand, Ward 1 is probably rated a bit too high. This is a foreign locality surrounding the South Columbus Steel Works and our measure of economic status applies merely to citizens.

Racial and national sentiments tend to subgroup the population of the different economic areas of a city into more intimate social divisions. "Every great city has its racial colonies, like the Chinatowns of San Francisco and New York, the Little Sicily of Chicago, and various other less pronounced types.' Columbus has several such racial and national colonies, each with a more or less distinct social life of its own.

The colored population, as may be noted on Map I (p. 148), is, in general, distributed around the periphery of the main business section, along the river flood plains, near the railroad tracks, and around the industrial plants. Most of Ward 9 is inhabitated by colored people. During the past few years the colored families, especially the new arrivals from the South, have been pushing their way out into Ward 14, driving the Italians, who previously occupied this territory, still farther north. The northern boundary line of Ward 9, Goodale Street, is now almost entirely inhabitated

Robert E. Park, "The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the City Environment,” American Journal of Sociology, XX, 582.

2

In 1910 Columbus had a colored population of 12,739, which, when compared with the total population of the city, constituted at that time a higher percentage of negroes than was to be found in any other city in the state. Moreover this number has been greatly augmented by the influx of negroes from the South during the past few years.

by negroes. The river end of this street, together with the immediately surrounding territory, was originally known as "Fly Town," receiving this name on account of the migratory tendencies of workers employed in the nearby factories, also on account of the lawlessness of the place. In this section the Godman Guild Social Settlement House is located.

The largest colored community in the city lies just east of the central business district. This community includes practically all of Ward 7 with the exception of a few streets on which are located some of the best residences in the city. It also extends into the southwestern corner of Ward 6, the eastern half of Ward 8, and the western part of Ward 4. The central part of this colored community lies north of Long Street between Seventeenth Street and Taylor Avenue. This region is undisputably surrendered to negroes. It is a city of blacks within the larger community. Here are found colored policemen, colored hotels, stores, churches, poolrooms, picture theaters, as well as separate colored schools. The colored people have their own local organizations such as lodges, war-relief clubs, and a political organization called "The Negro Republican League."

Of the minor negro colonies indicated on Map I attention should be called to the one in the extreme south end of the city, adjoining the steel plants; to the colored neighborhood in the eleventh ward, reference to which will be made later; to the colored district surrounding the Jeffrey Manufacturing Plant in Ward 12, and to the smaller colored localities adjoining the university campus.

Columbus has one large Jewish colony, lying a few blocks east of the southern end of the main business section of the city. This district is bounded on the north by Rich Street, on the east by Parsons Avenue, on the south by Livingston Avenue, and on the west by Grant Street. In this quadrangle, comprising about twelve city blocks, there is located the Jewish Schonthal Community House, Temple Israel, the Agudas, Achim Synagogue, Tiffereth Israel Synagogue, the Beth Jacob Synagogue, the Ahavath Sholen Synagogue, and the Jewish Progress Club. The area described, however, is not inhabitated entirely by Hebrews. The population is a mixture of colored and Jewish people. This is the home of

the Orthodox Jews of Columbus. The so-called "Reformed" Jews, which include, as a rule, the Jews of German nationality, are dispersed along the eastern section of the city in the better residential district between Broad Street and Bryden Road.

The renowned German section' of the city extends along South High Street from Livingston Avenue as far south as Washington Park, bounded on the east by Parsons Avenue, and on the west by the Hocking Valley tracks. It comprises an area of about a square mile and falls, for the most part, within the second ward. Many of the most prominent of the old German families reside along High Street south of Livingston Avenue. Practically all of these families own their homes and many of them have resided here for over thirty years. The whole community, just outlined, is fundamentally German. The dwellings represent the typical German village structure, built close up to the sidewalk, with garden space and chicken house in the rear. Many of the alleys are lined with small residences. Frequently the owner of a fine home will have a small building on the rear of his lot occupied by a tenant family. The shops, churches, and other public places of this district are owned and operated by Germans, and the German language is used almost exclusively.

Lying immediately south of this German neighborhood and extending to the southern limits of the city is a mixed foreign district, inhabitated by Austrians, Lithuanians, Hungarians, and Italians.

II. MOBILITY

"The city is the spectroscope of society; it analyzes and sifts the population, separating and classifying the diverse elements."3 Mobility of population may be considered under three heads: change of residence_from one community to another, change of

This is the historic Jewish neighborhood of Columbus and is noted for the solidarity of its local life. Graham Taylor says, ". . . . The family-like fellowships persistently growing out of and around the Jewish synagogue, which is the most ancient type of the neighborhood still surviving, perpetuate the spirit of neighborliness and give it more or less flexible, but long accepted, forms of development."-Religion in Social Action (1913), p. 149.

2 According to the 1910 Census, Columbus had 5,722 foreign-born Germans, which was the largest single foreign-born nationality in the city (Thirteenth Census of United States, III, 428).

3 A. F. Weber, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century (1899), P. 442.

residence from one neighborhood to another within the community, 3and mobility without change of residence. The official sources of information on these subjects are very inadequate. The census reports furnish data concerning nationality and interstate migrations, but aside from that we know nothing about the movements of people from one community to another,3 much less the movements that take place within the community itself.

That the mobility of modern life is intimately connected with many of our social problems there is general consensus of opinion. Assuming that a reasonable amount of mobility is both inevitable and desirable, nevertheless it is unquestionably true that the excessive population movements of modern times are fraught with many serious consequences.

Perhaps the most obvious effect of the mobility of the population within a city is the striking instability of local life. Neighbor-(1) hoods are in a constant process of change; some improving, others deteriorating. Changes in incomes and rents are almost immediately registered in change of family domicile. Strengthened economic status usually implies the movement of a family from a poorer to a better neighborhood, while weakened economic status means that the family must retire to a cheaper and less desirable district. So in every city we have two general types of neighbor

Robert E. Park says, . "Mobility in an individual or in a population is measured, not merely by change of location, but rather by the number and variety of the stimulations to which the individual or the population responds. Mobility depends, not merely upon transportation, but upon communication."-American Journal of Sociology, XX, 589.

The 1910 Census records the percentage of the population of each state born within the state. This gives a general impression of the relative mobility of the different states. The percentage of people born within the state in which they were counted varies from 94.7 for North Carolina to 21.8 for Wyoming. Ohio is above the average in stability with a percentage of native born of 74.4 (Thirteenth Census of United States, I, 712).

3 See Bucher's Industrial Evolution (Wickett translation), chap. x, for an interesting study of internal migrations of population in Germany. He shows that of the population of Prussia, in 1880, 57.6 per cent were born in the municipality where enumerated (p. 354), and for Bavaria (1871) 61.2 per cent (p. 355).

4"A study of five hundred families who, in 1913, moved from one home to another has clearly shown that in 63 per cent of the cases poorer accommodations were secured because of a recent change in the family income which caused a necessary change in the amount of rent that could be spared."-Carol Aronovici, Housing and the Housing Problem (1920), p. 20.