not at the option of individuals to make had not been sooner assembled. An earlier meeting of parliament was necessary, both on account of the foreign negociations that were pending, and on account of the unexampled distress which had fallen upon individuals. Yet it was in times of unexampled distress that ministers had resolved upon a prorogation of unexampled length. Although this distress fell most heavily upon the agricultural interests, yet there was no department of commerce with which he was acquainted, that did not also feel an unusual pressure. The Address spoke of the prosperous state of our commerce, manufactures, and trade. He was sorry, however, to say that he believed the very contrary to be the fact. Although, on the part of the agricultural interests, the distress was greatest, and indeed extreme, yet distress had also pervaded every branch of commerce. He did not state this by way of imputing any blame to mi-mate governments, this point of legitimacy nisters, as if they had caused the distress, did not appear to be much attended to in or could have helped it; but he thought the island of Ceylon. The title of king of that, in such a state of things, they were Candy would probably be added to that most reprehensible for not having assem- of "defender of the faith," and those other bled parliament sooner. By the declara- brilliant titles which adorn our crown: and tion from the throne, however, it would yet, in taking this brilliant title, there appear as if we were in the most comfort- would be some departure from the boasted able state imaginable. As to calculating principle of legitimacy. In general Brownthe prosperity of our trade from the in- rigg's proclamation, after mentioning the crease of exports in the last year, it was long name and titles of his Candian Mawell known that the reason of that increase jesty (which he would not now venture was, that the trade with America having to repeat), the general says, that “having been long stopped by the war there was been in the habitual violation of the most an unusual export to that country the year sacred duties of a sovereign, he was there, after its termination. He believed, how-by declared to be fallen and deposed from ever, that instead of reckoning this great export to America as a proof of the prosperity of our commerce, it would be found that there had been more loss than gain in this great increase of export. As to the favourable predictions of the right hon. gentleman with respect to our financial prospects, he should be sincerely rejoiced to find those predictions realized. If they were realized, this country would indeed present a most extraordinary phenomenon of a country impoverished in all its resources, and yet consuming the same quantity of exciseable articles as when the different classes of the community were in circumstances more affluent. If the reduction of revenue had not immediately taken place, he attributed it, in a great measure, to the circumstance that people could not immediately limit their consumption and customary wants, although they knew their circumstances to be impaired. As to the assessed taxes, it was the office of a king." He might congratulate ministers on having so good a whig governor in Ceylon. He found no fault with these expressions, although they were a little at variance with the doctrine of legitimacy that was now so much cried up. As to the term "the office of king," perhaps general Brownrigg might have subjected himself to some slight reprimand, for using so coarse and unceremonious a phrase applied to that high station. However, not only the king of Candy was deposed, but all his relations in the ascending, descending, and collateral line were cut off for ever from the succession. He did not doubt but that this king of Candy had committed many enormities for which he deserved to lose his throne: but he believed that there was another king who had committed quite as great enormities, and whom we were at great trouble in setting upon a throne. The question of our conduct in the dethroning this king, and possessing ourselves of his territories, was certainly a question which required much consideration before he could be satisfied with the justice of it. As to the cant about legitimacy, he thought it was likely to produce mischief. To the people it could do no good, but it might put into the heads of some weak and wicked princes, that they had other titles to rule besides those upon which a good government rested its support. Mr. Marryat admitted that distress prevailed in the country to a considerable extent, but considered it as the necessary and unavoidable consequence of the events that had taken place. The price of commodities had also materially risen: this likewise was an inevitable consequence of the same course of things, and unless that course continued, it was impossible that our commerce should continue on the same scale in which it had lately been carried on. The pressure of the moment had fallen chiefly on the body of exporters; but it had become almost necessary that some check should be given to inordinate speculation. However severe the regimen that circumstances had produced, he considered it on the whole as salutary and wholesome. Still he admitted that the severity of distress prevailed in many instances; but if ministers would take the situation of the country into their serious consideration; if they would, to the best of their power, apportion among the different branches of society the burthens to be borne by the public, this would be found the most effectual means to make our revenue and expenditure meet. The measures in contemplation with regard to the mode in which the exigencies of the country were to be supplied, were not of a permanent, but of a temporary nature. He thought, therefore, there was no inconsistency in the statement that our commerce and revenue were in a flourishing state, and he could not reproach himself with having acted wrong in voting for the Address. Mr. Lockhart agreed, that for the most part the distress that prevailed was temporary; but he could not consider this to be the case with the agricultural interest. The pressure on that portion of society was not occasioned by any temporary or transient causes, but arose from the operation of positive laws; and it was not till these laws were repealed that agriculture could again hold up its head. It arose from that system of taxation that operated almost exclusiv ly upon the husbandman; and if this system were continued, the agriculture of this country could never retrieve itself. He thought some mode must be adopted of apportioning taxation equally among the different branches of society; and certain he was that none could be gainers by the distress of the agriculturist. However the stockholder might at present seem to have the advantage, he would find in the end that the prosperity of agriculture was the only firm basis of security. He observed, that one part of the address from the throne recommended union among all classes of society, to ensure that prosperity which could not fail to ensue from the success we had enjoyed. He did not know exactly what was meant by this; he was aware of no disunion, unless we could designate as such that spirit which actuated every individual to save himself as far as possible from the gripe of exclusive taxation; but certainly the greatest disunion might prevail unless all were willing to bear the weight of equal taxation. There were several taxes, bearing excessively on the agriculturist, which must be repealed. There was the Malttax; a tax which amounted almost to a prohibition of that article; a tax which operated most cruelly on the industrious peasant, who could not now obtain a drop of that invigorating beverage so necessary to the discharge of his laborious functions. He thought we should review our taxes as they affected the titheholders. When agricultural produce bore a high price, every tax upon that produce operated as a bonus on tithes, because they always rose in proportion to the nominal price of commodities. But though the sellers of some commodities were no losers by the imposition of a tax (as was the case, for instance, with the wine-merchant), yet it was not so with the farmer: in agriculture there was such a competition, that the smaller farmers could not wait for a rise of price, but must bring their goods to market immediately. If, therefore, other duties were to be lessened, we must at least be careful to impose no taxes on agriculture, in which the titheholders should not also participate. The titheholder, we must remember, was a gainer by all improvements, although he was at no expense towards their adoption. Upon the whole, he was convinced that our agriculture, unless assisted, must very soon fail to supply the necessities of the country. He had taken the liberty of saying these few words, because he was acquainted with many practical agriculturists, and he was certain that there never was a time in which not only tenants, but landlords also, felt greater depression and distress, and that unless we altered the system, we should find this not the height, but the beginning of all our evils. The artificial currency of the country he considered as one cause, and as a great aggravation of the distress that prevailed. He did not say that we could altogether remedy this distress, but he thought it incumbent on the House to direct all their attention to lighten the burthens of the agriculturist, and put him on a fair relation with the titheholder and landholder. He had Imade these observations from no selfish motives; the little property he possessed was almost equally divided, partly real and partly funded; but he was convinced that our security must ultimately depend on the protection afforded the agricultural interest. The Address was then agreed to, and ordered to be presented by such members as were members of the privy council. 4. Treaty between Prussia and Saxony, 13 May. 5. Declaration of the King of Saxony, and Acceptation, on the rights of the House of Schoenburg, 18 & 19 May. 6. Treaty between Prussia and Hanover, 29 May. 7. Convention between Prussia and the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar, 1 June. 8. Convention between Prussia and the Duke and Prince of Nassau, 31 May. 9. Federative Constitution of Germany, 8 June. 10. Treaty between the King of the Low Countries and Prussia, England, Austria, and Russia, 31 May. 11. 12. 13. Act for the acceptance of the Sovereignty of the Belgic Provinces, by his Royal Highness, signed at the Hague, 21 July, 1814. Declaration of the Powers on the affairs of the Helvetic Confederacy, signed at Vienna, 20 March, 1815. Acceptance of the Diet of the Swiss Confederation, signed at Zurich, 27 May. Protocol on the cessions made by the King of Sardinia to the Canton of Geneva, signed at Vienna, 29 March. Treaty between the King of Sardinia, Austria, England, Russia, Prussia, and France, 20 May. 14. Conditions which are to serve as the bases of the union of the Genoese States to those of his Sardinian Majesty, 20 May. Cession made by his Majesty the King of Sardinia, to the Canton of Geneva, 20 May. 15. 16. Declaration of the Powers regarding the Articles concerning the navigation of the Articles concerning the navigation of the Necker, of the Mayne, of the Moselle, of the Meuse, and of the Scheldt, 8 February. 17. Regulation concerning the precedence of Diplomatic Agents, 19 March. GENERAL TREATY. (Translation.) In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity. The Powers who signed the Treaty concluded at Paris on the 30th of May 1814, having assembled at Vienna, in pursuance of the 32d Article of that Act, with the princes and states their Allies, to complete the provisions of the said Treaty, and to add to them the arrangements rendered necessary by the state in which Europe was left at the termination of the last war, being now desirous to embrace, in one common transaction, the various results of their negociations, for the purpose of confirming them by their reciprocal ratifications, have authorized their Plenipotentiaries to unite, in a general in strument, the regulations of superior and permanent interest, and to join to that act, as integral parts of the arrangements of Congress, the Treaties, Conventions, Declarations, Regulations, and other particular acts, as cited in the present Treaty. And the above-mentioned powers having appointed Plenipotentiaries to the Congress, that is to Say: His majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the Sieur ClementVenceslas-Lothaire, Prince de MetternichWinnebourg-Ochsenhausen, Knight of the Golden Fleece, Grand-Cross of the Royal Order of St. Stephen, Knight of the Orders of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander-Newsky, and of St. Anne of the First Class, Grand Gordon of the Legion of Honour, Knight of the Order of the Elephant, of the Supreme Order of the Annunciation, of the Black Eagle and the Red Eagle, of the Seraphim, of St. Joseph of Tuscany, of St. Hubert, of the Goldon Eagle of Wurtemberg, of Fidelity of Baden, of St. John of Jerusalem, and of several others; Chancellor of the military Order of Maria-Theresa, a Trustee of the Academy of the Fine Arts, Chamberlain, Privy Councillor of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, his Minister of State, of Conferences, and of Foreign Affairs; and the Sieur John-Philip, Baron de Wessenberg, Knight Grand-Cross of the Military and Religious Order of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus, Grand-Cross of the Order of the Red Eagle of Prussia, and of the Crown of Bavaria, Chamberlain, and Privy Councillor of his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty. of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, Grand-Cross of the Royal and Military Order of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus, Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, of Leopold of St. Wolodimir, of Merit of Prussia, and Colonel in the service of France. His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, Privy Counsellor of his said Majesty, Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry Regiment of Militia, his principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, &c. &c. &c. The most excellent and most illustrious Lord Arthur Wellesley, Duke, Marquess, and Earl of Wellington, Marquess Douro, Viscount Wellington of Talavera and of Wellington, and Baron Douro of Wellesley, Privy Councillor of his said Majesty, Marshal of his armies, Colonel of the Royal Regiment of Horse-Guards, Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, and Knight Grand-Cross of the most honourable Military Order of the Bath: Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, and Grandee of Spain of the First Class, Duke of Vittoria, Marquess of Torres Vedras, Conde de Vimeira in Portugal; Knight of the most illustrious Order of the Golden Fleece, of the Military Order of St. Ferdinand of Spain, Knight Grand-Cross of the Imperial and Military Order of Maria-Theresa, Knight GrandCross of the Military Order of St. George of Russia of the First Class; Knight GrandCross of the Royal and Military Order of the Tower and Sword of Portugal; Knight GrandCross of the Royal and Military Order of the Sword of Sweden, &c. &c. &c. The right honourable Richard Le Poer Trench, Earl of Clancarty, Viscount Dunlo, Baron Kilconnel, Privy Councillor of his said Majesty, President of the Committee of Council for the His Majesty the King of France and Na- Affairs of Trade and Colonies, Post-Mastervarre, the Sieur Charles Maurice de Talley-General, Colonel of the Galway Regiment of rand-Perigord, Prince of Talleyrand, Peer of France, Minister, Secretary of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs, Grand-Cordon of the Legion of Honour, Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen of Hungary, of the Order of St. Andrew, of the Orders of the Black Eagle and the Red Eagle, of the Order of the Elephant, of the Order of St. Hubert, of the Crown of Saxony, of the Order of St. Joseph, of the Order of the Sun of Persia, &c. &c. &c. The Sieur Duke d'Alberg, Minister of State to his Majesty the King of France and Navarre, Grand-Cordon of the Legion of Honour, of that of Fidelity of Baden, and Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem; the Sieur Count Gouvernet de Latour du Pin, Knight of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, and of the Legion of Honour, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his said Majesty to his Majesty, the King of the Netherlands; and the Sieur Alexis Count de Noailles, Knight His Majesty the King of Spain, and the Indies, Don Peter Gomez Labrador, Knight of the Royal and distinguished Order of Charles 3; his Counsellor of State. Militia, and Knight Grand-Cross of the most honourable Order of the Bath. The right honourable William Shaw, Earl Cathcart, Viscount Cathcart, Baron Cathcart and Greenock, Peer of Parliament, Privy Councillor of his said Majesty, Knight of the most ancient and most honourable Order of the Thistle, and of the Orders of Russia, General of his armies, Vice-admiral of Scotland, Colonel of the second regiment of LifeGuards, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias. And the right honourable Charles William Stewart, Lord Stewart, a Lord of his Majesty's bed-chamber, Privy Councillor of his said Majesty, Lieutenantgeneral of his armies, Colonel of the twentieth Regiment of Light Dragoons, Governor of Fort Charles in Jamaica, Knight Grand-Cross of the most honourable military Order of the Bath, Knight Grand-Cross of the Orders of the Black and Red Eagle of Prussia, Knight Grand-Cross of the Order of the Tower and Sword of Portugal, and Knight of the Order of St. George of Russia. His royal highness the Prince Regent of the kingdoms of Portugal and the Brazils, the Sieur Don Peter de Sousa Holstein, Count of Palmella, a member of his council, Commander of the Order of Christ, captain of the German Company of Body Guards, Grand Cross of the royal and distinguished Order of Charles 3 of Spain. The Sieur Antonio de Saldanha da Gama, a member of his Council and of the Finances, his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Commander of the Military Order of St. Benedict of Avez, First Equerry to her royal highness the Princess of Brazil. And the Sieur Don Joachim Lobo da Silveira, a member of his Council, Commander of the Order of Christ. His majesty the King of Prussia, the Prince Hardenberg, his Chancellor of State, Knight of the Grand Orders of the Black Eagle and the Red Eagle, of St. John of Jerusalem, and of the Iron Cross of Prussia, of the Orders of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander Newsky, and of St. Anne of the first class of Russia, Grand Cross of the Royal Order of St. Stephen of Hungary, Grand Cordon of the Legion of Honour, Grand Cross of the Order of Charles 3 of Spain, of St. Hubert of Bavaria, of the Supreme Order of the Annunciation of Sardinia, Knight of the Order of the Seraphim of Sweden, of the Elephant of Denmark, of the Golden Eagle of Wurtemberg, and of several others. And the Sieur Charles William, Baron de Humboldt, his Minister of State, Chamberlain, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, Knight of the Grand Order of the Red Eagle, and of the Iron Cross of Prussia of the first class, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Anne of Russia, of the Order of Leopold of Austria, and of the Crown of Bavaria. His majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, the Sieur Andrew, Prince de Rasoumoffsky, his Privy Councillor, Senator, Knight of the Orders of St. Andrew, of St. Wolodimir, of St. Alexander Newsky, and of St. Anne of the first class, Grand Cross of the Royal Order of St. Stephen, and of those of the Black Eagle and the Red Eagle of Prussia. The Sieur Gustavus Count de Stackelberg, his Privy Counsellor, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, Chamberlain, Knight of the Order of St. Alexander Newsky, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Wolodimir and of St. Anne of the first class, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen, of the Black Eagle and the Red Eagle of Prussia. And the Sieur Charles, Count de Nesselrode, his Privy Councillor, Chamberlain, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Knight of the Order of St. Alexander Newsky, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Wolodimir of the second class, of St. Stephen of Hungary, of the Red Eagle of Prus sia, of the Polar Star of Sweden, and of the Golden Eagle of Wurtemberg. His majesty the King of Sweden and Norway, the Sieur Charles Axel, Count de Lowenhielm, Major-general of his Armies, Colonel of a regiment of Infantry, Chamberlain, his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Vice Chancellor of his Orders, Commander of his Order of the Polar Star, and Knight of the Order of the Sword; Knight of the Orders of Russia, of St. Anne of the first class, and of St. George of the fourth class; Knight of the Prussian Order of the Red Eagle of the first class, and Commander of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Such of the above Plenipotentiaries as have assisted at the close of the negociations, after having produced their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed to place in the said general Instrument, the following Articles, and to affix to them their signatures: ARTICLE I. The duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of the provinces and districts which are otherwise disposed of by the following Articles, is united to the Russian empire, to which it shall be irrevocably attached by its constitution, and be possessed by his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, his heirs and successors in perpetuity. His Imperial Majesty reserves to himself to give to this State, enjoying a distinct Administration, the interior improvement which he shall judge proper. He shall assume with his other titles that of Czar, King of Poland, agreeably to the form established for the titles attached to his other possessions.-The Poles, who are respective subjects of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, shall obtain a representation, and national institutions, regulated according to the degree of political consideration, that each of the governments to which they belong shall judge expedient and proper to grant them. ART. II. The part of the duchy of Warsaw which his majesty the King of Prussia shall possess in full sovereignty and property, for himself, his heirs, and successors, under the title of the Grand Duchy of Posen, shall be comprised within the following line: Proceeding from the frontier of Eastern Prussia to the village of Neuhoff, the new limit shall follow the frontier of Western Prussia, such as it subsisted from 1772 to the Peace of Tilsit, to the village of Leibitsch, which shall belong to the duchy of Warsaw; from thence shall be drawn a line, which, leaving Kompania, Grabowiec, and Szczytno to Prussia, passes the Vistula, near the last-mentioned place, from the other side of the river, which falls into the Vistula opposite Szczytno, to the ancient limit of the district of the Netze, near Gross Opoczko, so that Sluzewo shall belong to the duchy, and Przylranowa, Hollander, and Maciejewo, to Prussia. From Gross Opoczkzo it shall pass by Chlewiska, which shall remain to Prussia, to the village of |