the new street. He could assure the hon. gentleman, that the New-street act had been observed by the commissioners appointed to superintend its execution to the very letter, no deviation whatever having been made from the original plan. All they had done was to remove some houses in front of Carlton-house, and then let the ground to private individuals, at a ground rent; and he was happy to add, that such rents had been obtained, as fully corresponded with the estimate of the architect employed on the occasion. in the course of a short time it was his intention to bring before the House the triennial report of the land revenue of the Crown, which was required by act of parliament, and in doing this he should follow the example of his predecessor, although not strictly required, by adding a full and accurate detail of all the improvements and alterations which had taken place, either in the New-street, Mary-le-bone Park, or in his majesty's woods and forests. There was no wish, in fact, to keep back any information on this subject. Mr. Baring, considering this explanation satisfactory, with the leave of the House, withdrew his motion. Mr. Tierney wished to be informed, whether the report intended to be presented by the hon. gentleman would contain an account of the distribution of the sums of money received for crown land? Mr. Huskisson answered that the report would contain an account of every farthing received or disbursed, either in the New-street, Mary-le-bone Park, or his Majesty's woods and forests. The motion was then withdrawn. THE EARL OF ELGIN'S PETITION.] A Petition from the earl of Elgin, was offered to be presented to the House by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who acquainted the House, that his royal highness the Prince Regent having been informed of the contents of the said petition, recommended it to the consideration of the House. Then the said Petition was brought up and read; setting forth, "That at the period of the petitioner's appointment to the embassy to Turkey in the year 1799, several eminent artists and patrons of the fine arts, lamenting that, from the prejudices of the Turks, any remains which might still exist of ancient sculpture and architecture in Greece, were inaccessible, and exposed continually to destruction, directed his attention in an (VOL. XXXII.) especial manner to the benefit of rescuing from danger, and securing accurate infor mation of those remains; and that, having on these suggestions provided the best assistants Rome could afford, and being thereby, and by the employment of all other necessary means, enabled to avail himself of every favourable opportunity as it arose during and since his embassy, the petitioner now begs leave to transfer to the public what he humbly conceives to be a full attainment of an object of high importance to the progress of the fine arts, namely a complete series of the sculptures which formed the principal ornament of the ancient temples in Athens, specimens of their most characteristic architecture, as well as drawings, casts, vases, medals and inscriptions, from Athens, and other parts of Greece; and that, as the circumstances attending his endeavours in the attainment of this object bear no resem→ blance to those under which any other collection was ever presented to the public, and as it is presumed that the series of sculpture in itself has no parallel in objects ever before purchased, the petitioner hopes to be pardoned for soliciting that the House would institute an inquiry, upon such evidence as may be procured, into the merits and value of what he now offers and take into its consideration how far and upon what conditions it may be advisable that the property of the said collection should be transferred to the public." Ordered to lie upon the table. MOTION RELATING TO SPAIN.] The order of the day being read, Mr. Brougham rose, pursuant to the notice he had given, to offer to the attention of the House a subject which he held it bound to take into its most serious consideration, by every principle of honour, justice, and strict political prudence ;-he meant that political prudence, which, taking an enlarged view of our best interests, was alone worthy to govern the conduct of a great nation. He was sure, that in opening this question he should be spared the disagreeable necessity of calling on the House to follow him through any great length of detail, as that which he had to mention was too notorious, and had already operated too strongly on their feelings, to demand that he should press it much on them now. It would be necessary that he should endcavour, before he proceeded further, to correct some (2 P) misrepresentations which had gone abroad, and which had had some effect on the minds of those whom he most respected, as he had learnt from a conversation which had taken place on the preceding evening in that House, to which an hon. friend of his who sat near him, had been a party. He was anxious to do this, that the principles on which he had taken up the question should not be misunderstood. However much the attention of Europe might be attracted to the present exalted situation of this country which to them might be an object of admiration, of envy and alarm-to whatever circumstances they might ascribe its present power, he held the advantage we now enjoyed to be more, much more, owing to our land having been made the rallying point of all good principles, to which all good men, suffering in a good cause, were led to fly for relief to its having been made a place of refuge to which all who were oppressed might look for assistance, and not look in vain. To these things he ascribed our present greatness, more than to any thing else which his imagination or memory could suggest. Though some might ascribe it to the diplomatic talents of the noble lord opposite, and others trace it to the more unquestionable merits of our army and navy, yet he, though not denying, and God knows not undervaluing their services, was disposed to trace to still higher sources our present advantageous situation-to our free constitution to our free parliament, and to our free press. It was from the possession of these advantages that the truth could always be disseminated in this country. Our free press conveyed it to an inquiring and consequently to an enlightened people, and our free parliament (free at least in its discussions), co-operated in the same labour. It was from these great advantages that he believed our high situation to be derived. That situation, however, it ought to be borne in mind, might be placed in jeopardy, by precipitate and ill timed interference with the affairs of other nations; and it would be no less in danger, if we universally abstained from interference, where this was demanded of us on principles of gratitude, justice and duty. But the most scandalous way in which our exalted situation might be lost was, by a wayward and capricious exercise of our interference, by using it at one time in behalf of a family with whom we were not necessarily connected, and by refusing it at another to those who had been cordially united with us, to establish that very power, the abuse of which subjected them to oppression. If there was one way of losing the high character we had gained more degrading than any other, it was unquestionably this. It was on this principle alone that he now came forward, and doing this, he was anxious to state, that he did not sacrifice one tittle of that opinion which he had formerly delivered on the injustice of interfering in certain cases with other nations, where this course had been decided upon by the English government. As strongly as he had ever done, he protested against our right to interfere with another nation, by dictating to it the form of government which it should adopt, or by imposing on a great people any king or family that it might be our wish to see reign over them. While he maintained his former opinions on these subjects, he would contend that a right to interfere might spring from other circumstances and it was on this principle that he should that night submit his motion to the House. It could scarcely be necessary for him to remind those who heard him of the argument formerly held, when it was resolved by ministers to interfere with France. It was then asserted that we had no right to interfere with that nation, because she chose to be governed as a republic; that on this account we were not bound to interfere in behalf of those who had never been our allies; that this furnished no ground for the recall of our ambassador from France; or for breaking the peace which then subsisted between the two countries. These principles, at the commencement of the French revolution had been maintained on that side of the House from which he spoke, and these principles he still held sacred. So far was he from deviating from them, when he contended that the interference of this country with respect to Spain was now called for, that the opinion of that great man, now no more (Mr. Fox), guided him on this occasion, and the substance of his present motion was drawn from the words which Mr. Fox had used when he last spoke in that House of the interference of this country in the affairs of France. The House would perceive that he referred to a conversation which had taken place about the end of December, 1792. Previous to this, in consequence of the conduct of the revolutionary government to Mr. Fox did, an opportunity of expressing their sentiments, and that right hon. gentleman expressed a hope that the debate would have a salutary effect; though he did not calculate on its proving the salvation of the Bourbons, yet he expected it would do some good. He however still felt, that an accredited agent from this country was wanting in France, to give force to the representations of this country, and to throw its whole weight into the scale with effect. He should not have gone so far into the history of these proceedings, but for what had occurred on a former night. Having gone so far, it might now be necessary for him to go still farther, to compare the circumstances of the interference which had been determined on then, with those under which a similar interference was called for now. Those for whom he now wished this country to interest itself were suffering patriots and our allies, They were now oppressed, for having struggled against the former oppressors of their country. The king, the queen, and the royal family of France, though in a deplorable state-a state which might well call forth sympathy-were still, unlike the Spanish patriots, wholly unconnected with this country. They had no claim on us from any bond of union which had subsisted between the two parties. Having wards the royal family of France, lord | Pitt, on the recommendation of Mr. Fox, Gower, our ambassador, had been recalled. for the correspondence which had taken A difference arose between the two coun-place on the subject of the recall of lord tries, and the king's ministers declared Gower. This gave all those who felt as France had no longer a government capable of maintaining the relations of peace and amity. Those who sat on the opposition side of the House at that time, contended, that whatever might be the faults of the French government, as it was then the government de facto, it ought not to have been treated in this manner. But when the proceedings of those persons who were members of it became so atrocious as to shock those who had at first been disposed to think favourably of them when, having got the person of the king and others of the royal family into their possession, the catastrophe which ensued was but too distinctly foreseen; and no doubt was entertained of their intentions to sacrifice them-then, all men whose minds deserved any consideration, were shocked at the lengths to which the revolutionists were going, and the opponents of ministers were unanimous in their exertions to stop the evil which they all deplored. It was then that Mr. Fox had come down to the House with his friends, and vindicated the course which he had thought it his duty to pursue; he denied the propriety of lord Gower's recall, or rather he questioned the necessity of it, but he strongly expressed those feelings of horror and indignation with which the conduct of the revolutionists had inspired him. He, on that occasion, argued, that the recall of our ambassador, no one hav-been led to speak of precedents, he would ing been appointed in his place as an accredited minister from this country, must prove fatal to the cause of the royal family of France. If we had kept our ambassador, he contended, it would have been in our power to interpose our good offices in behalf of the unfortunate monarch, and have given weight to the declarations of England, which might have produced a strong feeling among the people, and which would probably even have had some effect on the convention. In this spirit, Mr. Fox proposed that a motion should be made, the object of which was to afford the House an opportunity of expressing those feelings of indignation and sorrow which necessarily grew out of the events which had recently occurred. This, it was hoped, might operate in favour of the royal family, and deter the persecutors from the consummation of their guilt. A motion for this purpose was made by Mr. adduce one or two more, that would bear equally on the case in point. He would not go back to the period when queen Elizabeth interfered in behalf of the protestants in the Low Countries, nor would he dwell on the steps which were afterwards taken on the part of this country, to procure some amelioration of the situation of the Huguenots. These, as well as the efforts made by Oliver Cromwell in favour of the persecuted Protestants, must be fresh in the memory of the House, and these would abundantly bear him out in making the motion with which he purposed to conclude. But there was one better than all these-which it was impossible to get over-he alluded to the addresses unanimously voted on the subject of the foreign slave trade some years back. Both Houses had concurred in doing this: and if there was one point more delicate than another to be touched upon in our diplo envoy of the Junta, receiving his instructions from that body, which exercised the functions of government as representatives of the people of Spain. By that treaty, formally ratified, this country solemnly bound itself never to make peace with France to the surrender of the royal rights of Ferdinand, or of whatever prince the Spanish nation might choose as his successor: on the other hand, the existing government of Spain stipulated that hostilities against France should never be terminated but with the consent of the allies, without separation of the interests of Spain and England. Affairs continued upon this footing for some time, with various fortune to the arms of the contending powers, when a negociation was entered into by marquis Wellesley, then British minister appointed to attend the Junta. To the documents that were prepared in consequence, and which had been subsequently published, it was not necessary to recall the attention of the House at length; probably they were still fresh in the recollection of many, for he would venture to affirm, that they formed one of the most memorable specimens of comprehensive views, of address and ability in negociation, of eloquence of expression, and of ingenuity of reasoning, in the history of diplomacy: they recommended a system of enlarged and enlightened policy to the people of Spain, which justly demanded a warm and sincere tribute to the abilities and comprehension of the mind of the marquis Wellesleyqualities not always found among the statesmen of our day. matic transactions with Spain, it was her colonies. When Oliver Cromwell, at the height of his prosperity and power attempted an interposition with Spain against the Inquisition, he was answered by the Spanish minister, that the king his master had two eyes; one was the Inquisition, and the other was the Spanish colonies. To which Oliver Cromwell answered, with a vigour that might well be imitated in the present times, "Then I must trouble your master to put both his eyes out." Indeed, one might just as safely speak of an application to Spain to relieve the lot of the poor native Indians who work the mines of South America, as to request her to put an end to her share of the traffic in slaves. To ask Spain and Portugal to abandon the abominable slave trade, would touch them in almost as tender a point as it would be with ourselves, if the courts of Spain and Portugal were to send a mission to this country for the relief of their suffering Roman Catholic brethren in Ireland. It would touch pretty much in the same place. Yet, so strong were our feelings in behalf of that great and good cause of religion and policy, for which we Ourselves had made some sacrifices, and had induced others to do the same, that the House voted addresses to the throne on the subject unanimously. He hoped that these addresses had been acted upon in their true spirit and meaning. Indeed, ministers had certainly shown that they had in several instances acted so. Those who thought fit to deny the right or the policy of our interference altogether, must, he presumed, undertake to distinguish between the various cases he What, he would ask, wasthe great object had cited. The cases, for instance, of of the able conductor of that negotiation? the king and royal family of France in It might be stated almost in a single word 1792, with whom we had no political con-call a cortes. The noble marquis was nexion, and of the applications on behalf not satisfied that the interests of the people of the negroes, merely on the ground of of Spain should be confided to party and humanity for fellow-men, must be shown petty representation-a representation unto be distinct and different from an inter- known to the Spanish constitution, and position in behalf of those whose assist- deserving to continue unknown. "Call a ance we received during the war, with cortes," was his wise and urgent recomwhom we treated, who jointly with us re- mendation. "Do not be contented with stored the monarchy, and who were now less than a full and fair representation of oppressed. Let it be shown how we were the whole people. Call a cortes legally to now so differently situated. It would be take into its hands the reins of governin the recollection of the House, that in ment, and to carry into effect reforms the year 1809 (for it was unnecessary to that are equally indispensable.". The refer to earlier dates) a treaty was con- earnest recommendations of the marquis cluded by this government with admiral Wellesley produced the proper effect, and Apodaca, the minister commissioned from only a few months were allowed to elapse the authorities of Spain, nominally the before the cortes was called, and a re ambassador of Ferdinand 7, but in fact the gency was soon afterwards appointed. The House would not fail to remark what | which, after so much endurance, had fiwas most important in this transaction, nally obtained complete possession of the namely that the interference of the British Spanish territory. At the time of the siggovernment did not stop merely at pro- nature of the treaty, Ferdinand, it was curing the assembly of the cortes; but, true, was in duress; but the immediate after what we had obtained for Spain, consequence of the signature was, that the and for ourselves as connected with Spain, duress ceased; for such confidence had we required that certain individuals of our Buonaparté in his new ally, that he innomination should be chosen members of flicted upon Spain that last and greatest the executive regency. That regency of the calamities he had procured for her was composed in the whole of five mem- by allowing Ferdinand once more to rebers, all of whom were chosen by the in- turn to his native country. When the terposition of England: but more especi- king of Spain had thus obtained his really two individuals directly appointed on lease, did he do any thing to revoke the our part, both of whom were now under a treaty made in duress at Valency? On sentence passed upon them by Ferdinand. the contrary, every act of his government Those two were now upon that black list had confirmed it; and when he passed the made out by the king of Spain, to which Pyrennees, instead of proceeding to Mahe had had such frequent occasion with drid, he shunned the capital of the existdisgust to refer. The regency, so named ing government, and withdrew to Valencia, by the cortes, that had been called on the far from those who had been the real suggestion of the British minister conti- means of his restoration. Keeping aloof nued to act in the strictest alliance that from the society of good men and of good could subsist between two nations; this patriots, after refusing to sign the consticountry and Spain had but one common tution that had been framed by authorities object, and their operations for its accom- legally constituted, and without doing a plishment were in common; the interests single act to revoke the treaty of Valency, of Spain were the interests of England; but, on the contrary, acting up to its true and those interests were not compromised spirit, he meditated only upon projects to or sacrificed by the conduct of the cortes, get rid of the interference of the cortes while in their behalf the blood and trea- and of the power of the regency, whom, sure of this country were liberally ex- together with Great Britain, he denounced, pended. At that time the name of Fer- though in truth they had been the only dinand was used; but the Spanish autho- means of the salvation of his devoted rities were in ignorance as to his fate, and, country. The cortes and the regency, on like the people of this country, might be the other hand, firmly refused to consent said to be as careless as they were igno- to the terms of a treaty executed under rant. Marquis Wellesley, in truth, con- duress; and why?-because England was ducted all the affairs of the Spanish na- the ally of Spain, and against England the tion, and had as much power over its des- blow was levelled; because admiral Apotinies as the regency and the cortes united. daca had entered into an engagement with On this footing of intimate connexion Mr. Canning in 1809, by which Spain was and identified interests, matters went on precluded in good faith from the conclutill near the end of 1813, or the opening sion of any separate treaty with France, of 1814, at which time the power of Buo- but more especially a treaty diametrically naparté, which had spread itself over all opposed to her happiness and interests. Europe, weakened by expansion, was tot-Adherence to the known constitution was tering to its fall; at this juncture a negociation was opened by him with Ferdinand, then in confinement at Valency; it was conducted on his part by the duke of San Carlos, now high in office at the court of Spain. A treaty was concluded, by which Ferdinand 7 abandoned the cause of this country by abandoning the cause of his own. Buonaparté stipulated to withdraw his armies from Spain; and the king, on his part, undertook to give his most effective assistance to expel the victorious army of the duke of Wellington-that army the crime the cortes and the regency had committed in the eyes of their restored sovereign, and they became the objects of his hatred for observing a solemn alliance they had formed with England, which, but for this unfortunate event, might have produced the happiest consequences. The same line of policy, however, ill suited the views of that man, of whom he (Mr. Brougham) had a right to assert that his whole conduct, from the beginning to the end of his confinement, evinced a determination to oppose the interests of his |