distinet intimation was given, that nothing | was farther from the intentions of the British government, than to take part in restoring Louis the 18th to the throne of France. The opinion of the allies was said to be decidedly against all inteference with the internal situation of France. They avowed that they adhered to the declaration of the 13th March; that they combined to exclude Buonaparté from the throne of France, because his occupation of it was inconsistent with the security of Europe; but that when this object was accomplished, they disclaimed any wish to influence the French people in their choice of a sovereign. These professions were held after the battle of Warterloo; they were proclaimed in the triumphant march of the allied armies; they were declared by the duke of Wellington till he arrived at St. Cloud. Up to the convention of Paris, the same language was continually held-even to the deputies from the provisional government. Immediately upon the occupation of Paris these principles were renounced. Did this happen because the allies then felt themselves able to enforce principles diametrically opposite? If so, where was their faith to the French people? They had broken their engagements-they had renounced their professions. Instead of concurring in the praise of ministers for their conduct in bringing about the peace, they deserved, he thought, the severest censure for having compromised the honour of the country. Neither did he imagine that the peace would be more secure than it was honourable. It was not founded on the basis of reciprocal good-will but on that of arbitary power-of unjust compulsion. In making it we had planted the seeds of war, and had left behind us the stings of hatred and revenge.

Lord Castlereagh said, he did not wish to protract the discussion which had been introduced on topics which he had not expected would come under the consideration of the House in the present debate. The delay which had been complained of in calling parliament together, he considered to have been explained even by those who had made their not being assembled before, a charge against ministers, and it would therefore be unnecessary for him to dwell upon this; and he should consider what had fallen from gentlemen opposite on a variety of subjects intended but to open to the government those topics on which a difference of opinion might be

expected. He apprehended what had been said proceeded from an anxious wish that ministers should confine themselves to that line of policy, which at a former period they had held to be prescribed to to them by duty, and it would be his task, when that great question came before them, which must shortly be submitted to their deliberation, to satisfy the House that in no instance had they departed from that line of conduct which they had formerly taken, and which, as it had been adopted on the broadest and soundest principles, would be that to which they should adhere for the future. He was not disposed to infer that unanimity was to be expected, from the feeling which had been manifested in this night's debate. He should expect to find immense varieties of opinion on the great questions which would soon come under discussion, on the present state of Europe. The course pursued by ministers with respect to other powers he should defend, because he thought it had been the wise one; but at the same time he did not deny the right which the House, had to determine on it as they in their wisdom shonld see fit, when it came under the examination of parliament. On all the important questions which were to be investigated, he should expect much difference of opinion would be found; there was only one point on which he wished gentlemen opposite to touch with a delicate hand-namely, the proceedings of other and foreign governments. These he hoped, would be more tenderly dealt with than they had been, although the system acted upon should not be such as to obtain their approbation. He hoped those attacks would not continue to be made upon foreign administrations, which had of late become so frequent. Such opposition might be properly directed against the ministers of this country, who were present and able to defend themselves, but he trusted gentlemen would feel the propriety of not turning their arms against those of other nations with whom we were in alliance and that scrutinizing criticism would not be transferred to the investigation of the internal policy of foreign countries, which could only be properly exercised at home. Though he expected great differences on all the foreign questions, he still denied the accuracy of the assertion that had been made, that the Address now under consideration was entitled to support, because it pledged the House to nothing

The merits of the peace under existing circumstances would be subject to the examination of the House on a future day. He admitted it would then be for them to consider whether a wiser peace, or one more advantageous for this country, and for Europe in general, might not have been made after the successes which had crowned the army of England in conjunction with her allies. These were points that would be open for discussion, and for these ministers stood responsible in their characters and in their situations; but still it would be seen, that agreeing to the present Address, the House acceded to the proposition, that there never had been a peace concluded for this or perhaps for any other country so advantageous, so glorious in all respects, and so completely accomplishing the most sanguine expectations of the country. He was not surprised at the gloomy apprehensions expressed by some of the gentlemen who had spoken on the other side: remembering, as he did, what were their feelings while we were engaged in the prosecution of the war, it was not to be expected that these would be at once removed by the return of peace. Some difficulties were to be anticipated, for he should be glad to know where a peace had been made in any part of the world which had left all the community for whom it was made without one grievance to complain of. He, however, should be glad to have this peace compared with any of those which had been pressed on the attention of parliament during the war, by their opponents, as models for that which it would be desirable to gain, and he would confidently ask if among these any one could be found at all to be compared with the present?

The attention of parliament must necessarily be soon directed to the internal situation of the country. He wished the question to be fairly looked at. They ought not to turn aside either from the view of the general policy or that of the internal state of the country; and with respect to the latter, there was certainly much to be considered; but he wished to know what peace could have been made which would not have left much for consideration, how best to conduct the country from one situation to a state so immensely different, as that was to which we were now coming, from that which we have so long known-from prosperous war (for even in the war the marks of (VOL. XXXII. )

prosperity failed not to manifest themselves, and continue to accumulate in every year), to profound peace. There was no man who could suppose, at the close of such a war, that some indications of calamity would not result from the changes consequent on the transition of the industry of the country from the war market to the peace market. But, looking at this, he desired that an exaggerated view might not be taken of the evils to be surmounted. It was fit that the country should look them in the face; to meet them with success, it was necessary they should know the extent of the difficulties with which they had to contend; but it was not from taking an exaggerated view of them that parliament would be enabled to supply the proper remedy. While he admitted that the difficulties referred to existed to a certain degree, he felt hé might even now congratulate the country on the situation in which it was found at the close of such a contest-a situation very different, and gratifyingly different, from that in which it had been left at the termination of every former war. If they looked back to the end of the American war, would they find that it was possible for the Chancellor of the Exchequer of that day, while seeking for topics of consolation, to speak of the flourishing state of the industry, commerce, or revenues of the country? Was there not a general failure in each-a depression in all of them, arising out of the sacrifices caused by the war? and was not that decay in the prosperity of all classes to be lamented which now only pressed upon the agricul tural interests of the country, and he trusted would be shown on a future day when the subject came under the consideration of the House to proceed from temporary causes? It had been stated in the Address that the manufactures, commerce, and revenue, were in a flourishing state. To these the word "arts" had been prefixed by the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham). But these were not mentioned in the speech from the throne; and, he presumed, had only been introduced for the purpose of amplification. Assuredly, the circumstances of the country warranted the assertion referred to. He wished not to enter into details at present; all he wished was, that the country should look with a steady, manly resolution at the difficulties with which they had yet to contend, as they had done during those they had to struggle

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should bear such a price as to make it practicable to raise the necessary supply by other means, would preclude the House from doing so. But he begged the House would not be led away, to endeavour to benefit one particular or separate interest, however dear, by taking any thing from the Sinking Fund for that purpose, if any other way could be found of meeting the difficulties with which we might have to contend. Whenever this was resorted to, he trusted it would be on other than arbitrary principles, and that the greatest care would be taken to guard against unnecessarily trenching upon it. If they look at the operation of it, and traced its effect on the Funds through the late war, they must feel most anxious not to interfere with that which had so greatly invigorated us in the arduous contest we had just terminated. If they were to deviate from the plan laid down with respect to the Sinking Fund, by flying to it in order to relieve one class of the community from a tax which was found to press heavy on their industry; if they once broke down their system to assist one interest, they might soon be called upon to destroy it for the benefit of another. It would be for Parliament to consider these things. He, however, deprecated that gloom and despondency, to which some gentlemen appeared disposed to give themselves up. The Prince Regent's ministers, under all the difficulties which might occur, would continue to do their duty in peace, with the same firmness and resolution which they had displayed during the war, but they would not do that which to them appeared incompatible with the security, the permanent interest, and the high situation of the country. He would be the last man to make the government of England a military government. The pre-eminence we had obtained might, he trusted, in our insulated situation, be sustained by the glory we had already won, leaving little for future exertion to achieve.

Mr. Horner said, that the noble lord who had just sat down had stated, that the House in acceding to the proposed Address would pledge themselves to approve of the Peace as being more glorious than any which had been obtained at the close of former wars. Against this proposition he must protest. He understood the Address to congratulate the Prince Regent on the Peace, and on the unrivalled successes which had blessed his Majesty's arms in the progress of the war just con

cluded, and without any reference to party, he thought no man who felt as an Englishman, could do other than exult in those triumphs which had placed the military character of this country on a pinnacle which it had never before reached. He could not, however, give the peace the unqualified approbation which the noble lord seemed to expect, till the Treaties were before the House. When these were examined into, he should be glad to find that the peace was really one which, while it gave other advantages, sustained at the same time, the British character for good faith. He had no doubt the noble lord thought it merited this praise; but from some rumours which had got abroad in Europe, he should feel it to be his duty to look closely into it, to satisfy himself that in this the noble lord was right. With respect to the commerce and internal state of the country, he should reserve himself till the necessary papers were before the House, and these were subjects which he should be careful not to mix with the questions of peace and negociation. He was aware the conclusion of a war in every community, more especially, in one so complicated as that of England, must create some temporary distress, but he was afraid, that which was now com. plained of would be found to bear another character, and that the remedy would not be easily supplied. He trusted the minister was not disposed to propose, or the House to adopt, any new departures from the principles of our ancient laws and policy. He was led to make this remark from a suggestion thrown out by his hon. and learned friend with regard to an alteration of some of the existing laws. The present amount of the taxes he believed to be the source of the evil complained of, and this could never be remedied but by going to the root of the present system of taxation. He agreed with the noble lord, that whatever pressure might be com. plained of, it was desirable to leave the Sinking Fund unbroken and urimpaired. But if this was suffered to remain untouched, how were the public burthens to be diminished? By economy alone. It was not to be effected by economically taking off two or three hundreds from one item, or two or three hundreds from ano. ther, but by the introduction of the most rigid economy into all departments, and by reducing, where it was practical, the military, civil, and financial departments. He hoped, in the course of the present

session, that ministers would not come to Parliament to ask for an increase of emolument for any of the public officers. He trusted they should not again hear of an addition to the salary of this Lord Advocate of Scotland, or that commissioner of Excise, nor an extended provision for this or that branch of the royal family. He hoped the House would be careful to make ministers attentive to economy, that by timely retrenchment the difficulties complained of might be met, and that the nation would never be forced to the last and most desperate expedient, that of breaking its faith with the public creditor. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded with declaring, that for the present he would give no opinion on the character of the peace.

Mr, Coke, of Norfolk, said, that it had been already observed by an hon. gentleman in the course of the debate, that the barley farmers were those who suffered most. From his own experience, in that part of Norfolk where a great deal of barley was raised, he could say the same thing. The noble lord opposite had intimated, that the alarm among the agricultural interest was exaggerated; he hoped the noble lord would be able to prove this, though he greatly suspected it was beyond his power, particularly as he had been so long a time out of the country, and could not be accurately acquainted with its domestic concerns. There was not a doubt that the country gentlemen and the farmers were extremely distressed; what they wanted was a market and a fair price for their grains. He said, he did not look forward to the return of those great and extravagant prices which the country had witnessed some years back. In the management of his estates he, for one, had never looked to those prices, being convinced that, in the long run, a steady remunerating price was more for the benefit both of the farmer and landholder. He was sorry to hear from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the renewal of the Income Tax was to be proposed. He, for one, would resist, to his latest breath, the imposition of that tax, in whatever shape it was proposed, being convinced that, if once admitted in time of peace, the country would never again get rid of it. He trusted also that the war tax on malt would be done away; and if ministers showed no disposition to remove that burthen, he gave notice that he would make a motion to that effect.

Mr. Tierney did not mean to detain the House by many observations, but he wished to guard against any misinterpretation of the assent which he was prepared to give to the Address. He fully coincided in the assertion, that greater glory had never been acquired, in the history of any age or country, than by the British army, and he hoped he might add, though that now-a-days was a topic somewhat overlooked, by the British navy also. But if the noble lord meant to apply the word "glorious" to the other exertions of our countrymen, such as those of a pecuniary or a diplomatic kind, there he must pause before he gave his assent. There was one part of the Prince Regent's Speech as delivered by the commissioners, which he rejoiced in most heartily: it was that in which he recommended to the House all possible economy. His Royal Highness surely would not have given this advice to others, unless he meant to practice it himself. [A laugh.] This part of the Speech must belie all those reports that were in circulation, of a new increase of debt on the Civil List; and he hoped that no new application would be made this session for the payment of arrears in that quarter, [A nod from the Chancellor of the Exchequer.] He was happy to understand, from the nod of the right hon. gentleman, that nothing of this kind was to be expected. The noble lord opposite had poured out a tirade against his hon. and learned friend, for what he called indulging in invectives against Ferdinand 7. The noble lord was mistaken, however, if he thought that any confederacy of princes or ministers should control the members of that House in the free expression of their sentiments as to the conduct of sovereigns. As long as this confederacy of princes existed, which, from some late occurrences, seemed to have for one of its objects to put down the liberty of the press and all freedom of sentiment, he, for one, should protest against the atrocity of kings. [Hear, hear!] And he begged that at the next diplomatic meeting which the noble lord might have with Princes Metternich and Hardenberg, he would acquaint those personages that there was at least one assembly in Europe in which men were determined to speak their minds on such subjects. But, while he thus approved of the Address generally, he thought that nothing could be more fair than the amendment of his hon. friend. He begged gentlemen to consider what a