the necessity of this tax; but he should have no difficulty in proving, that this mode would be found much more inconvenient and burthensome. But there would, as he had already observed, be so many occasions for discussing this subject, that he should abstain from any farther remarks at present, and only declare, that the whole of the Address had his most unqualified approbation.

with debts on which not one per cent. could be collected. Yet the war was at an end, after victories such as could never have been looked for. In the negociations at Paris, it was our own fault if the terms were not such as were best suited to our manifold interests. The pressure, however, was greater than it had been in 1810 and 1812; no business was done, and if the reason were asked, it was said the landlord received no rent-the tenant could sell no corn. If this turned out to be a part of that picture, of which a general sketch had been given-if out of the flourishing condition of our commerce must be taken that lumping exception of the whole internal trade, in comparison of which foreign commerce was so inconsiderable that it might be considered merely the ornament of the system, a very heavy responsibility would fall on the framers of the Speech. In the speech of the hon. baronet who moved the Address, he was surprised to hear a comparison of the present Peace with that of Utrecht, which had justly been considered the most improvident bargain ever made. The Assiento Contract, indeed, was the only advantage which this country derived in that Treaty from the victories of Marlborough and the councils of Godolphin. The com, parison of that with the present treaty on the subject of the Slave-trade was said to be advantageous to the latter. He was, therefore, led to suppose, that among the

Mr. Brougham said, that on rising to support the Amendment, he must concur with his noble friend in the opinion of the Jaudable tone and moderate language of the Address; but as ministers appeared to take to themselves a sort of credit for this, he should take the present opportunity of entering his protest against the principles laid down in the speeches by which it had been supported. He had no objection to agree to the Address, because it pledged the House to nothing. It only pledged them to inquire into certain things, and if they approved of them, to express their approbation. But the part which was most worthy of attention was that which contained the allusions to the present situation of the country, its arts, manufactures, commerce, and revenue. He wished to know whether, among those arts, agriculture was contemplated, as the right hon. gentleman had admitted the great pressure under which the agricultural interest laboured? The distresses of the landed interest of England had been unabated by the peace, and unpalliated by all our vic-sixty or seventy conventions and treaties tories. When it was asserted in the Speech that our revenue was in a flourishing condition, the House must take it for granted that it was so, because this was a proposition, that ministers themselves alone knew the correctness of, and concerning which all the rest of the House remained in darkness. But let them remember that their responsibility for this assertion would be very great, if, after having put these words into the mouth of their master, it should be found that agriculture must be excepted from this "flourishing condition," and that it stood in need of relief; that the number of bankruptcies was daily increasing, and that the home trade, no less than the foreign, presented another melancholy exception to the boasted "flourishing condition" described by the Address. He might safely venture to say, that the home trade, the substantial ground-work of national industry, was at a stand-still. Shops were every where empty, and tradesmen's books covered

which they were to be presented with, would be found one in which Spain and Portugal had agreed to relinquish the Slave-trade. As Buonaparté had abolished the Slave-trade in France all Spain and Portugal were bound to relinquish that detestable commerce. He hoped, therefore, to find not only no Assiento Contract, which would be felonious by the present law, but an abolition on the part of Ferdinand of this great and crying evil-an evil next in magnitude to his persecutions religious and civil-to his butcheries and torture of his own subjects (Hear, hear!). This contemptible tyrant-contemptible in every respect, but in the portentous power of doing mischief which he possessed, in consequence of our having raised him to the throne which he so meanly and unworthily filled whose slightest crime was his usurpation of his father's crown (Hear, hear!), was now the grand slave dealer out of Europe, as he was the grand maker of slaves in Europe. He hoped,

therefore, that we had insisted on the abo- | had any constituents (a laugh, and cries of lition of that Trade; and that Portugal, Hear, hear!) would take those steps, which, whom we had also saved, and over whom if they had been adopted last year, would we could exercise some influence, at least, have rendered it impossible for the burthen had abandoned that dreadful traffic. The to have existed beyond the present spring. right hon. the Chancellor of the Exche-With respect to all the other burthens quer had stated, that he reserved himself observed upon by his hon. friend near him, for a future occasion to enter upon the de- he could only say that he most entirely tail of the flourishing condition of the reve- concurred in those observations. He renue, which was one of the topics of the served himself, however, upon those variSpeech, and was re-echoed in the Address ous branches of the national finances, unof the hon. baronet. But he could not til they should be brought in detail under help taking notice, in this early stage of the consideration of the House. The hon. the business of parliament, of what had gentleman opposite seemed to suppose that fallen from the right hon. the Chancellor there were no means of relieving the landof the Exchequer by way of intimation ed interest, because their affairs were so in upon this subject. As one reward of our terwoven with the national prosperity, that exertions in the late contest, so gloriously it was impossible to separate them from spoken of in the Address, and as an imme- other objects. But he could not help exdiate consequence of what the hon. gen- pressing a hope that the Chancellor of the tleman who had so eloquently seconded it, Exchequer would speedily find that there termed the breaking of the rod of enchant- were means of separating them, and that ment, and dissolving the spell by which some seasonable relief would be afforded the nations had been bound in slavery, he to the distresses with which so important had heard with more regret, than perhaps a part of the community was afflicted. astonishment, that the most oppressive of The right hon. gentleman had alluded to any of the taxes that had been imposed some branches of the revenue which he upon the nation-the heaviest and most intimated would undergo revision and reobnoxious of those burthens under which trenchment.-[Here the Chancellor of the country had groaned that that most the Exchequer uttered some negative exoppressive and tormenting tax upon in- pressions]. From the manner of the right come was to be continued. It was for this hon. gentleman, he must presume that the we had been fighting, not only our own disappointment of his hopes upon this subbattles, but those of other nations. Our ject would be more general than he had fortitude and perseverance had led to this expected. He had consoled himself with happy consequence, that we were not the thought that the right hon. gentleman merely to bear the other burthens which would seriously set about a revisal of some had been so heavily laid upon us, but were part of the revenue and finance, with a to be borne down by this most tormenting view to mitigate as much as possible, the of all taxes a tax which was still more severity of those taxes now imposed upon oppressive in the detail than in the bulk: the country. Was it then to be underand this, it was said, was necessary, not- stood, that not only half the Property-tax, withstanding" the flourishing condition but all the other war taxes were to be of the manufactures, commerce and reve- continued? Was the country to undernue of the united kingdom!" (Hear, hear!) stand from the Chancellor of the Exche If this odious tax could be dispensed with quer, that at a season when grain was if there was any other means of going almost a drug in the markets, and when on without it, no man in his senses-still corn was not only at the lowest price, but less would the right hon. gentleman, on when no price could be obtained at all; and the very first day of the meeting of parlia- when the most grievous burthens were ment, intimate an intention of renewing it. imposed upon the barley growers, was it to Such an intimation surely could arise only be said, that under such circumstances the from the consciousness of there being no War Malt-tax was to be continued? Was other means of carrying on the financial it to be said that the landholders were still affairs of the country. He, however, did to pay 5 per cent. Property-tax, and ent trust, that this early hint, which had been dure in times of peace all the hardships to so plainly and unequivocally given of the which they had been exposed during the intention of government, would not be lost war? Was the Malt-tax of 38s.per quarter upon the country or upon the House, and laid on during the war, to continue during that the constituents of such of them as peace? If this was to be the state of

things, he trusted the House would not penses would be reduced to the smallest separate without hearing a notice from amount possible, consistently with our some of his hon. friends, who were conver- safety. For it was a robbery of the peosant with this subject, for bringing the ple of this country, it was a cruel mockery question of the War Malt-tax immediately of their sufferings to tell them, after twen under the consideration of the House. ty-five years of distress and misery, and But there were other matters independent when the long looked-for peace was at of the subject of reduction in the taxes, to length arrived, that they were still to enwhich he hoped the attention of parliament dure the expenses of war, without the would be speedily called. If the Amend- benefits of peace. And for what purpose? ment of his hon. friend was carried, the For the purpose of securing the cession of House would pledge itself speedily to take new islands, of appointing new governors, under its consideration, the state of the new secretaries, new clerks, of establishing country, he doubted not that one of the new sources of patronage, new causes of first objects of their inquiry would be those alarm to the people, and new quarters laws which prevented the exportation of from which danger may be portended to some of the most important staple commo- their rights. (Hear hear!). The right dities of the country. He trusted also hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had that the state of the usury laws would be expressed a hope that gentlemen would brought under consideration with the like turn their attention to the accounts that celerity; for there was no subject more would be laid before them, not in the deserving the interposition of parliament. gross, but in detail, and that they would He hoped those laws, which operated investigate the items. He would promise most oppressively on the indigent bor- the right hon. gentleman that he, for one, rower, which had been disapproved of by would not only examine them en masse, the first characters of the country, which but would go through every estimate and sir Francis Baring more than thirty years item in all its bearings, in the humble ago had strongly pronounced against, as hope of assisting the right hon. gentleman injuring the interests of those they were in his laudable inquiry. Thus the prointended to protect, and which were so blem might be discussed this session, as manifestly impolitic and ruinous, would to what was the least farthing of expense soon receive a thorough revision and al- in every department, from the establishteration. There were various other sub-ment of the Prince down to that of the jects, unnecessary for him to allude to at present, which were equally pressing upon the notice of the House, he would only instance the state of the poor-laws, as they respected the equalization of rates. All that he was desirous of urging upon the notice of the House at present was, the absolute necessity of redeeming their pledge, by immediately entering into that inquiry, which was, of all others, the most important-namely, into the state of the finances, and by thus showing to the country that their condition was not absolutely hopeless, and that the promises of parliament were not mere empty sounds without meaning. Before he concluded, he begged to allude to one part of the hon. gentleman's speech opposite, and the more so, because it formed a part of the Address under consideration. He meant that part which pledged the House to measures of economy. That part of the Address and speech of the hon. gentleman must be taken to mean, such a rigorous investigation into the amount of our enormous establishments both at home and abroad, as would lead to this result; that our ex

common soldier, which was necessary for the country to pay, consistently with its security, and what was the lowest reduction in our civil and military establishments, which that security could admit of. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by giving his cordial support to the Amendment of his hon. friend.

Lord Milton was anxious to state in a few words the grounds of his vote. If any thing could have induced him to support the amendment, it would have been the speech of his hon. and learned friend who had just sat down. But it appeared to him, as the House was at present situated, that the Address proposed by the hon. baronet contained all the pledges which it was necessary for the House to give. He agreed with his hon, and learned friend, that the time would come when it would be necessary for the House to manifest its sentiments, not in speeches but in acts. The time would come when it would be necessary to enter into every article of expense and retrenchment; and it would be well, if those matters were to come under the consideration, not of one

committee, but of several, which might | burthens of the country. One was full as sit up stairs; for, indeed, the subject necessary as the other; and if the hon. branched into such multifarious ramifi- baronet thought that he should satisfy his cations, that it would be impossible for speech of that night, by merely adverting the House, sitting in a body, to take it into to the economical administration of the their serious consideration. One of his supplies which this House might vote, he objections to the Amendment was, that it apprehended the hon. baronet would not appeared to go rather too far, and to hold give that satisfaction to his constituents out pledges which it would be impossible which he had expressed his desire to give, for the House to realize. Nothing was and which he was sure he felt as much as more dangerous, and in his opinion more any member of the House did. He had mischievous, for this House to do, than to heard that night, for the first time, that hold out pledges for any of its solemn and an intention existed of continuing the deliberate acts, which there was not a Property-tax. The Chancellor of the fair prospect of their being able to redeem. Exchequer had not indeed stated whether Speaking, however, as an individual, he his plan was to have a limited duration. did entertain considerable hopes, that by But the right hon. gentlemen would reproper attention to these subjects the ex- collect that his declaration of that night pectations of the people might be much was directly contrary to the positive exmore effectually realized than the House pectations he had held out last year. The had reason to entertain from what had declaration then was-" Only give us the fallen from the Chancellor of the Exche- Property-tax for one year, just to wind quer. Indeed, upon this subject he was up the expenses of the war, and we will rather jealous of a particular part of the be satisfied." Now they talked of reSpeech, to which the House as yet had ducing it to one half. But the noble lord not, he thought, sufficiently adverted. said he wished to know whether the ProHe meant that expression of the Speech perty-tax was to be given to wind up the which talked of "the high station which expenses of the war, or whether it was to we occupy in Europe." He should like be looked to as a source of permanent to know what was the secret explanation revenue? This was a point upon which which the ministers would give of that he should wish to be informed, in order sentence. Did they mean by that, that that the country might have the consolaGreat Britain was to become a great mili- tion of knowing the worst they had to extary power- - that she was to vie with pect.-There were other subjects which Austria, France, and the other great mili- might be discussed upon the present occatary powers of the continent, in military sion, as growing out of the treaties: but strength and reputation. If that was the as those treaties had not yet been laid becase, he must say that the present was fore the House, he thought the House indeed a new era in the history of the would do well to satisfy itself fully upon country. It would be one of the greatest these points; for he confessed enough misfortunes that could befal the country, could not be expected from the meagre if she was to be held out as a great Address which had been proposed. It military power. That had not hitherto was a notorious fact, that the treaty of been our character, and he very much peace between this country and France, doubted whether, if we assumed that and the other treaties connected with it, shape, it would be possible for us to main- had been signed two or three months, tain our liberties at the same time. He and the people of this country knew their felt extremely anxious upon this subject, contents only through the medium of the because it was impossible not to suspect Rhenish Mercury. Such was the state in that in a certain quarter, a peculiar love which his Majesty's ministers placed the of this sort of establishments existed, people of Great Britain! It had been which it ought to be the business of this thought a good thing to obtain peace; but House to check and control. And he much of the merits of the peace must dehoped when the time came, that the hon. pend upon the nature of it, the means rebaronet himself who had moved the Ad- sorted to for obtaining it, and the secudress, would lend his hand, not only to- rities provided for its continuance. wards an economical administration of the would not admit the comparison between finances, but that he would interfere, as the framers of the Treaty of Utrecht and far as in him lay, to lessen this class of those of the treaties alluded to; but in expenses, which might be added to the saying this he must not be taken to ap